Wednesday, February 16, 2005

Crisis in Aceh ~ Days Leading to Next Peace Talks

A selection of coverage focuses on spectrum of the ongoing (second round) peace talks between Government of Indonesia and GAM. In chronological order and the highlights are mine.


The Straits Times
Saturday, February 12, 2005

Commentary ~ Post-Tsunami GAM and the Future of Aceh
By Yang Razali Kassim

Within days of the tsunami disaster, several Indonesian organisations sent volunteers to Banda Aceh to provide humanitarian relief.

Among them were two Islamist groups, the Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) and the Front Pembela Islam (FPI). They set up a command post at an air force base in Aceh to help bury the dead and distribute aid. But the gestures of MMI, or the Mujahidin Council of Indonesia, and FPI, or the Islamic Defenders Front, were opposed by the separatist Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM, or the Free Aceh Movement).

GAM's exiled leaders in Sweden issued a statement to say that the presence of MMI and FPI would be unhelpful to the cause of a free Aceh as the two groups' objectives were to establish an Islamic state - which implied that this was not something GAM was fighting for.

'FPI and MMI are not welcome in Aceh and have never been supported by the Acehnese people. Nor has their presence been requested. Their intervention in Aceh is therefore counterproductive,' GAM added.

The same view was taken by a coalition of student bodies fighting for a referendum on Aceh. The Sentral Informasi Referendum Aceh (SIRA, or Aceh Referendum Central Information) said in its own statement: 'Laskar Mujahidin and FPI's presence would steer the conflict in Aceh into a religious one.' Laskar Mujahidin is the militia arm of MMI.

The Indonesian military in Aceh however responded to the presence of MMI and FPI with conflicting signals. The army said sentiments against MMI and FPI were unfairly overblowing the threat from these groups. A military spokesman, Colonel Djazairi Nachrowi, was reported as saying that volunteers from both MMI and FPI were doing good humanitarian work and should not be discriminated against just because of their militant tendencies.

But the air force took a harder line, expelling 19 of MMI's 206 volunteers from the airbase. An MMI official, Mr Fauzan Al Anshari, said the air force did not give any reasons for the expulsion, but it was believed to have been under foreign pressure. According to him, the foreign media had asked whether MMI was linked to Al-Qaeda and when MMI denied this, rumours surfaced that they could be linked to GAM instead. In reality, however, GAM and MMI are ideologically not on the same page.

GAM and Islam
There is a general misconception that GAM wants an independent Islamic state of Aceh. This misreading is understandable given that the struggle for a free Aceh first began as a quest for an Islamic state.

Fiercely independent-minded, the Acehnese were, historically, the last to fall to the Dutch colonising power in the 19th century. They then joined a Darul Islam rebellion across Indonesia to set up an Islamic state in the 1950s when the incipient Indonesian nation failed to give Aceh a provincial status as promised.

The Aceh revolt ended when the government in Jakarta gave Aceh the status of a 'special territory'. But by 1976, a new movement emerged calling itself the Acheh/Sumatra National Liberation Front, using the old spelling for Aceh. Also known as GAM, it fought for an independent Aceh following Acehnese disillusionment with what they regarded as 'Javanese economic and political domination'. Led by Mr Teuku Hassan di Tiro, or Hassan Tiro, GAM was driven more by Acehnese ethno-nationalism than any Islamic ideology. Indeed, GAM's
objective is a secular-nationalist state, not an Islamic nation.

Although a descendent of an ulama who led the 19th century resistance against the Dutch, Mr Hassan is ideologically more a socialist than an Islamist. GAM was formed by him along with a group of other foreign-educated Acehnese with commercial interests in the West.

Indeed, GAM, in its website, describes Mr Hassan as the president of Doral International Ltd, New York, a company active in such fields as investment banking, aviation services, petroleum, natural gas and shipping.

However, GAM, in its initial years, did not enjoy wide ground support in Aceh and its leaders subsequently moved to Malaysia, Libya and finally Sweden where several of its leaders acquired citizenship. It is from Sweden that GAM leaders like Mr Hassan directed and rebuilt the separatist drive in Aceh.

In 2002, the ideological divide among the insurgents led to the birth of a small splinter group called the Front Mujahidin Islam Aceh (FMIA). This group wanted to continue the Darul Islam rebellion and sought to establish an Islamic state in Aceh. FMIA was led by Mr Fauzi Hasbi, who also formed another small group called the Republik Islam Aceh (RIA).

Both FMIA and RIA emerged out of their dissatisfaction with GAM's secular orientation. Their existence is however now in doubt after the death of Mr Fauzi, their common leader.

After the fall of president Suharto in 1998, Jakarta's strategy to resolve the separatist problem was to give the Acehnese people as much as they wanted - so long as they remained within the unitary state of Indonesia.

Hence, Jakarta implemented a 'special autonomy' package in 2001 that would provide for the return of 85 per cent of oil and gas revenue to Aceh. More significantly, the special autonomy would allow the implementation of syariah or Islamic law, even though GAM has not generally demanded for syariah.

It was a strategy to win over the 'hearts and minds' of the Acehnese people and hopefully marginalise GAM while at it. GAM refused to accept the special autonomy deal and the truce that took effect in December 2002 collapsed three months later. Jakarta subsequently declared GAM a terrorist organisation.

Hardline stance
GAM's statement also referred to MMI as an umbrella organisation for 'jihadist' groups such as FPI and Laskar Jihad. MMI was founded in August 2000 by Abu Bakar Bashir, whom foreign governments allege to be the spiritual head of the Jemaah Islamiah (JI).

FPI is headed by Mr Muhammad Habib Rizieq, who is better known for his radical approach of confronting bars and nightclubs which refused to shut down during Ramadan.

Laskar Jihad in turn was started by Mr Jaafar Umar Thalib, an Indonesian of Yemeni descent who took part in the war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s.

Practising the purist Wahabbi doctrine, Laskar Jihad draws membership from the urban poor and was formed to protect Muslims in the Malukus in the inter-communal conflict there with the Christians. Laskar Mujahidin, on the other hand, is another 'jihadist' group that has operated alongside Laskar Jihad in the Malukus.

The hardline stance adopted by MMI, FPI and Laskar Jihad is however not really shared by the majority of Indonesia's Islamic community, although they empathise with the groups' motivation to protect Muslim interests.

For example, the Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS), the Islamic party which is even more active doing relief and humanitarian work in Aceh, is not comfortable with the militancy of FPI and Laskar Jihad.

Window to Mecca
Aceh is where Islam first landed in Indonesia and subsequently spread to the rest of South-east Asia. That is why Aceh is also known as Serambi Mekah (Window to Mecca).
[Correction: Serambi is the Indonesian word for veranda or front porch, not 'window' as stated in this useful article. TAPOL]

The attachment that Acehnese have for Islam is therefore deep-seated. Analysts see Aceh's relationship with Islam in terms of three phases:

Aceh as an independent and prosperous Islamic sultanate having its own diplomatic ties with Europe (from 1524 to 1873); Aceh during the Dutch colonial period, during which the Acehnese sultanate put up the strongest resistance against Dutch attempts to colonise the East Indies; and Aceh's role in its war for Indonesian independence and the subsequent fight for Darul Islam (1945-1959).

These three phases shaped Aceh's distinct Islamic identity.

The rise of GAM in 1976 marked a shift towards Acehnese secular-nationalism at the level of the Acehnese political elite who seek independence. But on the ground, the Acehnese inclination towards the Islamic identity remains strong.

This is a fact which GAM itself has had to accommodate. It is also a reason why the Indonesian government found it sensible to compromise and offer a special autonomy package that allowed the implementation of syariah law in Aceh, provided the province remained part of Indonesia.

The offer of syariah is a major concession for Jakarta in view of its staunch commitment to the secularist-nationalist ideology of Pancasila.

If both GAM and Jakarta regard the separatist conflict as having gone on for too long, the post-tsunami period is the best time to end it. It is just as well that both have begun peace talks in Helsinki to find a rapprochement.

But the road to permanent peace may not be easy to travel. It will depend on one fundamental:

Can the two sides agree on what the future Aceh will be?

GAM, given its ethno-nationalist ideology may not be fighting for an Islamic state. But its ultimate goal has always been an independent state of Aceh. This is however something Jakarta will never accept.

In the Helsinki talks, Jakarta rejected GAM's offer to suspend its quest for independence in return for a referendum in Aceh within a decade. Does GAM feel weakened enough by the tsunami disaster to accept a final solution which falls short of its dream of an independent Aceh - Islamic state or not?

The writer is a Senior Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University.


Agence France-Presse
February 15, 2005

Talks with Aceh rebels must focus on autonomy: Susilo

Singapore (AFP): Peace talks with separatist rebels inIndonesia's Aceh province will continue if the guerrillas stick to the agenda of special autonomy, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said here on Tuesday.

Any solution must be based on this concept and not independence, said Susilo, noting that even the United Nations has expressed support for Indonesia's territorial integrity.

Susilo was speaking to reporters on the first day of a two-day state visit to Singapore. The former general had arrived from Malaysia, the first leg of his first regional tour since being elected president last year.

Negotiators from the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) met in Helsinki last month for informal talks amid pressure to end the 29-year-long conflict after a tsunami devastated the province on December 26.

It was the first time the two parties met face-to-face since May 2003, when the government declared martial law and launched a major military offensive in the province after a ceasefire broke down.

The second round of talks is scheduled to be held in Helsinki from Feb. 21 and will be mediated by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, who also chaired the January talks.

Led by leaders living in Sweden and holding Swedish citizenships, GAM has been fighting for independence for oil-rich Aceh province on Sumatra island since 1976. It says the Indonesian government plunders its resources and troops commit atrocities against the local population.

But since the Indian Ocean tsunami ravaged Aceh, the rebels and the government have come under international pressure to end the conflict.

More than 234,000 people are dead or missing and some 400,000 were left homeless in the province.

No comments: