Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (16 of 24)

Following is CCEVI's press kit for the Fifth Commemoration of May 1998 Tragedy in Indonesia.

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RECENT NEWS RELATED TO THE FIFTH COMMEMORATION OF
THE TRAGIC MAY RIOT 1998 IN INDONESIA

The following recent articles are compiled by CCEVI. These articles show that despite ongoing effort to pursue justice for the victims of May 1998 riot in Indonesia, the result is far from satisfying.


We are indebted to the May victims
Opinion and Editorial - May 12, 2003, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Today, the families and the civitas academica of the Trisakti University will hold the fifth commemoration of the heroic death of four Trisakti students on May 12, 1998. Soeharto quit just nine days after Elang Mulya, Hafidhin Royan, Hendriawan Lesmana, and Herry Hartanto lost their lives in their peaceful struggle to end Soeharto's 31-year dictatorship. Anti-riot troops opened fire on the students as they were retreating to their campus in West Jakarta as demanded by the security forces.

Also this week, the families, friends and relatives of the victims of the bloody riots in a number of cities on May 13-14, which followed the above shootings, may also pray for their loved ones who lost their lives in the national tragedy. According to the official result of a government-appointed fact finding team, at least 66 women, mainly Chinese-Indonesians, were raped during the riots, and many others were sexually harassed. Scores of Chinese-Indonesians have since fled the land of their birth in fear of more barbarism.

Hundreds of people, including youngsters were burned alive, trapped in burning shopping centers. Many had been provoked to loot shops, supermarkets and malls. Most of them could not be identified, and without enough evidence, the government branded all of the victims as looters.

The mourning families can likely hope for little from the state to find and punish those responsible for the tragedy; none of the findings of the above team have been followed up on. Last week, the National Commission for Human Rights announced that the case would be re-opened.

Yet the House of Representatives (DPR) has concluded that the May riots were normal crimes -- and had nothing to do with human rights violations.

Many of our top politicians, from President Megawati Soekarnoputri to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker Amien Rais would not be in their current positions had it not been for the victims and the students across the country who had bravely risked their lives to end Soeharto's rule.

Most of the major political parties, excluding Soeharto's former party Golkar, would also not be in power without the sacrifice of the students and others who will remain unknown. But what have they, including Megawati and Amien, done as an expression of their gratitude for these forgotten heroes? They have hardly even bothered to offer lip service.

After five years, the students' parents have yet to see justice done for the parties responsible for their children's murder. Every year, before the commemoration of the Trisakti tragedy and the fall of Soeharto in May, the Attorney General's Office, the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police repeat their mantra on why they have not been able to accomplish their mission to uphold justice.

We have had three presidents since May 1998, but none of them have been able to show even a little progress to reveal the mystery of the May tragedy. Former president B.J. Habibie declared the four dead students heroes of reformasi (reform) without being able to find their killers. He promised to investigate the cases of the dead alleged looters, as well as those for rape and sexual assault. His promises never came to anything.

His successor Abdurrahman Wahid also could not do much. However, he deserves praise for his strong commitment to reinvestigating and re-opening the mystery of the alleged coup attempt by the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965, in which hundreds of thousands of people were killed, and which led to the succession from Megawati's father Sukarno to Soeharto in 1967.

Abdurrahman was hampered at every turn by certain parties, but at least he had shown that we are obliged to probe and settle the dark pages of our history.

How about Megawati? We would be wrong to expect her to do anything regarding the May riots -- given that she does not even seem to care about the fate of her own supporters who sacrificed their lives to defend their her, their idol, during the July 27 massacre in 1996. She has even promoted those believed responsible for the casualties in the violent takeover of her party headquarters, most notably, the incumbent Jakarta Governor Lt. Gen. (ret.) Sutiyoso.

The nation owes it to the four students and to all the people who have risked their lives and position to bring democracy to our country. Without any intention for revenge, the case of May 1998 must not remain covered up. Yet the facts are bitter. The state is not able, or not willing, to protect its own citizens from injustice. Nevertheless, we believe the fighting spirit of the four martyrs remains and that their death will not merely become a trivia question in our history.

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May riot victims yearn for justice after five years
Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
City News - May 13, 2003

Five years is not enough to heal the wounds of the victims of the May 13 and May 14 riots, which paralyzed the capital and other cities and took more than 1,200 lives across the country, as no one has been named a suspect nor has anyone been held responsible for the tragedy.

Although the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has investigated into the tragedy, has concluded that the state had violated the people's rights and has declared that it would bring the perpetrators to court, the victims are skeptical.

Santi Parhusip, who was sexually assaulted by a group of men wearing long-sleeved shirts while trying to save her father's shop in Perniagaan market, West Jakarta, from looters and fire, said she was not optimistic that there would ever be a trial.

"We've seen three presidents in the last five years, but we have never heard a formal apology made to the victims. Without the political will of the government, Komnas HAM's work would come to nothing," she said on Monday.

Santi, who now works for the Indonesian Justice Fellowship (JFI), which advocates for the victims of violations by the state, including the 1965 massacres, spoke at a discussion on seeking justice for victims of the May riots.

The skepticism is not without reason. Although Komnas HAM has yet to summon military officers in charge of security at that time, the military's legal officials have already declared that none of the officers would appear.

In the two-day nightmare -- which followed the shooting of four Trisakti University students who were taking part in a nationwide rally to demand the resignation of authoritarian ruler Soeharto -- hundreds of shops, shopping centers and homes were looted and set ablaze.

No state security officers were around to prevent the crimes, except for those hired by business owners to guard their assets before the rampage even started. This peculiar fact strengthened the suspicions of many that the riots were part of a conspiracy among those in power to quash the people's movement.

Soeharto eventually resigned on May 21 and was succeeded by his vice president, B.J. Habibie.

The riots, which were fueled by anti-Chinese sentiment, claimed a total of 1,217 lives, according to the Volunteer Team for Humanity.

The tally was confirmed by a fact-finding team led by former Komnas HAM deputy chairman Marzuki Darusman. The team also discovered that at least 66 women, mostly of Chinese ethnicity, were raped.

Although the team submitted the findings to Habibie's administration, no measures were taken.

It was during the 2001 World Conference Against Racism in South Africa that Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra admitted that the May riots was a violation of human rights.

The same year, the House of Representatives halted its inquiry into who should be held responsible in the Trisakti shootings, arguing that the riots that ensued -- which also took place in Medan and Surakarta -- were not connected to the incident.

The House later concluded that there was no case of human rights violations in the Trisakti shootings or in two similar incidents involving security forces shooting at student demonstrators and civilians near the Semanggi cloverleaf on Nov. 13, 1998 and Sept. 24, 1999.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (15 of 24)

May riot rally blocked by police
By Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Jakarta
City News - May 16, 2003

About 200 victims of the May 1998 riots were forced by police to change the route of their march on Tuesday to commemorate the fifth year of the tragedy.

Officers from the Central Jakarta Police blocked off Jl. Kramat Raya and dispersed the rally participants an hour after they left Atrium Plaza en route to the Megaria movie theater, one of the locations destroyed in the riots.

"The police said we were late in informing them about the event. They said they need to receive notice three days before an event takes place," the chairman of the march's organizing committee, Wignyo, a member of Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa, said.

Due to the police's actions, the rally participants -- victims of the May 13 to May 15 riots, activists from the New Order era and victims of the 1965 massacres -- had to end their march at the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute office on Jl. Diponegoro instead of at Proklmasi Monument on Jl. Proklamasi.

"We are here to demand the government resolve all past human rights abuses, which is the most substantial requirement of the reform process," Wignyo said.

The May riots, which followed the shooting deaths by the police of four Trisakti University students taking part in nationwide protests to demand the resignation of former president Soeharto, are regarded as a vital event in the country's reform movement.

The authoritarian Soeharto stepped down on May 21, but the riots -- which were fueled by anti-Chinese sentiment -- had already claimed 1,217 lives, according to the Volunteer Team for Humanity.

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) only recently established an ad hoc team to investigate the riots. It will summon for questioning next week several high-ranking military officers who were in charge of security during the violence.

According to the initial findings of Komnas HAM, the state committed gross violations of the people's rights during the May riots. This finding is based on the fact that no security officers were present to prevent the looting, burning of shops and houses, and rape.

Many witnesses have said that smartly dressed men with walkie-talkies were seen in different locations of the city provoking people to burn shops, even providing jerry cans of gasoline.

Ori Rahman of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), who is also a member of Komnas HAM's ad hoc team, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday the facts of the riots alone were sufficient to bring the case to a human rights tribunal, because they prove a conspiracy systematically to quash the people's movement.


Events and aftermath of the May 1998 riots
May 12, 1998: Four Trisakti University students are shot and killed by security forces.

May 13-15, 1998: Mass riots in Jakarta, Medan, Palembang, Lampung and Surakarta. A total of 1,217 people die in the riots.

May 21, 1998: Soeharto resigns as president, is replaced by vice president B.J. Habibie.

Nov. 13, 1998: Protesters opposed to a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly are fired on. A total of 17 people are killed and 456 injured

1999: A government-sanctioned fact-finding team is established to investigate the May riots. Its unpublished findings reveal that at least 66 women, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, were raped during the upheaval.

Sept. 22-24, 1999: Protesters opposed to the imposition of an emergency bill are fired on. Nine people are killed.

June 18, 2001: A military court is called to try 11 members of the police's Mobile Brigade for the Trisakti shootings. Only nine suspects appear.

July 9, 2001: The House of Representatives finds no human rights abuses occurred in the Trisakti shootings, the Nov. 13, 1998 shootings or the September 1999 shootings. The House refused to include the May riots in its inquiry because it said those events were not related to the shootings.

January 2003: The National Commission on Human Rights sets up an ad hoc team to investigate the May riots.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (14 of 24)

INDONESIA: Termination of Komnas HAM Massacre Investigations Will Only Exacerbate Indonesia's Culture of Impunity

15 May, 2003
AS-16-2003

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission - AHRC

Due to harassment by militia gangs and political elites connected to the Soeharto military rule, Indonesia's first preliminary investigations into the 1965-66 Massacre and the 1998 May Riot by the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) are both in danger of being shelved. The Commission was given a limited six-month timeframe to complete these inquiries. The period, which comes to a close on 15 May 2003, itself should be extended as it would be impossible for the execution of a proper and credible investigation; however, both of these inquiries have come under immense pressure to be terminated. Furthermore, the Commission has been pressured to make compromising recommendations calling for amnesty-based reconciliation efforts. Failure of the continuation of the inquiry will only reinforce and exacerbate the culture of impunity that continues to cloud the Indonesian government since the Soeharto regime.

Under the direction of General Soeharto, between 1965-66 approximately 500,000 to two million people alleged to be communists were murdered, tortured, detained and abused by military order. In May 1998, 1,217 unarmed Indonesians, most of whom were Chinese Indonesian, were killed and 66 raped in riots organized by the military its final attempt to maintain Soeharto's power.

Though both these military instigated massacres are well known in the domestic and international community, none of those engaged in the crime, including Soeharto and his cohorts, have been prosecuted. Authorities have ignored evidence compiled by families of the victims, eyewitness reports and the uncovering of dozens of skeletons from mass graves. In particular to the 1965 Massacre, for years AHRC and other organizations have been calling for a thorough investigation, as the Massacre constitutes a crime against humanity, impunity for which completely undermines the entire Indonesian justice system. AHRC has also noted that unless there are serious and persistent efforts towards truth, justice, reconciliation regarding this massacre, there can be no hope for human rights, rule of law or democracy in Indonesia.

AHRC commended the initiation of the overdue investigation process overdue of this essential preliminary investigation, but there is concern that threats will undermine or even terminate the inquiry process. Investigators have received threats via phone and General Wiranto demanded that the investigation into Soeharto-era be ended. A 500-strong militia gang protested at the Komnas HAM headquarters, threatening grave violence if the investigation into the 1965 case continued. Top-level professors from the University of Indonesia have lobbied the Commissioner to keep silent about the massacre. Furthermore, there are concerns that some of the commissioners themselves have a personal interest in stopping the investigation because of their personal relationship to the Soeharto years, and as some of them were selected by Soeharto himself. Termination of the inquiry, however, is not an option if justice is to be achieved. Even from the beginning of the investigation, anonymous persons were threatening the Commission, but the Commission must persevere and complete the inquiry if it seeks to be seen as credible.

AHRC has also noted the difficulty the team would face to do a credible job in exhuming the many mass graves identified by the late human rights activist for the disappeared in Indonesia Ibu Sulami and other human rights defenders within the limited few month timeframe. The 1966 mass grave unearthed in November 2000 in Wonosobo, Central Java and the 1968 mass grave exposed in August 2002 in Blitar, East Java have yet to be investigated by the Commission. In fact only two locations - Buru Island prison camp and in Semarang, Central Java - were investigated by the team, leaving countless mass graves untouched. Even this minuscule part of the crime should be enough to warrant a much deeper investigation, as necessary for any gross violation of human rights. In addition to the inadequate timeframe, resources necessary for a proper investigation were not provided.

For years AHRC has continued to raise concern over how failure to bring the person and agencies responsible for the 1965-66 Massacre has resulted in a culture of impunity in Indonesia. The failure of the state to investigate or prosecute perpetrators has resulted in their enjoyment of de facto impunity, no redress to the victims, and general loss of public faith in the administration of justice in Indonesia. If the National Human Rights Commission is to fulfill its mandate to encourage the promotion and protection of human rights, in spite of threats, the Commission must take all the necessary time and measures to investigate the November 2000 and August 2002 mass graves, in addition to the dozens of mass gravesites identified by human rights defenders.

Asian Human Rights Commission - AHRC, Hong Kong

Unit 4, 7^th Floor, Mongkok Commercial Centre
16 Argyle Street, Kowloon
Hong Kong SAR, China
Tel: +(852) 2698-6339
Fax:+(852) 2698-6367
E-mail: ahrchk@ahrchk.org
Web site: http://www.ahrchk.net/

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (13 of 24)

Vice president reassures Indonesian Chinese on riots anniversary
Agence France Presse (May 16, 2003)

Jakarta - Vice President Hamzah Haz reassured Indonesia's ethnic Chinese on the anniversary of deadly anti-Chinese riots five years ago that they are fully part of the nation, it was reported Friday.

"You are Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent. Such similar perceptions of this should be built as you are part of the Indonesian nation," Haz said in a Thursday evening prayer ceremony.

The ceremony was organised by the Chinese Reforms Party of Indonesia, the state Antara news agency said.

It commemorated the Jakarta riots of May 13-15, 1998 in which ethnic Chinese and their businesses in the Glodok district were a leading target. Thousands fled the country or transferred funds overseas following the violence.

Haz described the riots as a national tragedy. He urged ethnic Chinese Indonesians to repatriate funds to assist national economic recovery.

Indonesia's official human rights commission said last week the riots were systematically planned.

It said it wanted to question senior military officers who were in charge of security in the capital at the time.

The riots, which broke out just before long-time dictator Suharto resigned, killed at least 1,100 people and destroyed 1,400 buildings, a previous state fact-finding team concluded.

Many victims were trapped inside burning buildings.

Demonstrations of Chinese culture were banned during Suharto's rule.

The culture has reasserted itself since then and Lunar New Year has been declared a public holiday. But some ethnic Chinese, who account for about three percent of Indonesia's 212 million people, still complain of discrimination.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (12 of 24)

Retailers still remember May tragedy five years later
By Arya Abhiseka, Jakarta
City News - May 13, 2003

Five years ago, Ibu Linda and her four daughters did not leave their home throughout the horrifying incidents of the May riots that triggered the downfall of despot Soeharto, especially after she had heard that some Chinese women had been raped.

"We stayed home for days and constantly watched television, praying that nothing horrible would ever happen to us," she said.

She added that her electronics shop never crossed her mind, because the family's safety was the only priority at that time.

She later found out that the electronics shop had been looted, leaving her with nothing.

Ibu Linda was among the hundreds of Chinese-Indonesian shopkeepers working in the city's largest retail center of Glodok, West Jakarta, whose businesses were attacked by mobs as resentment against Indonesians of Chinese descent escalated during the riots of May 13 and May 14, 1998.

The May Tragedy, as it was widely known, brought about the fall of Soeharto's 32-year dictatorship, which drove the country into both euphoria and violence.

The shooting of four Trisakti University students on May 12 ignited riots nationwide, particularly in the capital.

The riots mostly targeted the Chinese-Indonesian ethnic group, as many native Indonesians believed they had unfairly dominated the country's economy.

"As soon as we heard that a mob had burned a gas station in Grogol, near Trisakti University in West Jakarta, the Glodok retail center closed," explained Ngadimin, a retailer, of what happened in May 1998.

Ngadimin, who is of Chinese descent, said that he and many other vendors immediately closed their shops and left Glodok to take refuge at home.

He found out the next day on television that his shop and many others that were located on the ground floor of the retail center had been robbed.

"We did not dare return to the place for over a week," he said. When he finally went to his store, all that was left of his shop was shattered glass from the display window.

"For about seven days straight, we had been hearing horrible stories, especially about the rape of Chinese women.

"I just couldn't imagine it," Ngadimin added.

During the authoritarian rule of Soeharto, the Chinese were restricted from the political arena because of communism. Part of Soeharto's strategy to oust Indonesia's first president Sukarno, was to blame Chinese Communists for allegedly assisting the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in their attempt to take over the government in 1965.

Soeharto's economic strategy was also limited to only a handful of close contacts, generally relatives, who were given opportunities in the country's most important business sectors.

It was during this time that several Chinese-Indonesian businessmen took advantage of the situation to bribe their way into becoming Soeharto's economic aides, to amass great personal wealth and stature while enjoying Soeharto's protection.

This, in turn, heightened the resentment against Chinese-Indonesians, which spread to encompass all Chinese-Indonesians, even those in the middle and lower-middle classes.

As riots spread leading up to the fall of the New Order regime, the Chinese and their assets became a prime and easy target of prejudice, and the government, law enforcers and law practitioners often displayed a lack of political commitment to protect their rights.

The climax came in 1998, after the country had just been hit by the economic crisis, and some 5,000 homes, offices, shops and malls, mostly belonging to Chinese-Indonesians, were reportedly looted and burned. The total amount of losses has been estimated at about Rp 2.5 trillion (US$280 million).

"I lost everything in 1998. Even now, I am cautious of what may happen in the future, especially because the upcoming general elections will be held next year," said Alex, another electronics vendor.

Alex said that he and fellow retailers could not plan for any contingencies, since insurance companies refused to insure his goods, due to the events of the May Tragedy.

"For centuries, my family has been in the trading business -- it is all we know. For now, we can only pray that history will not repeat itself," he said.

Acehmu Aceh Kita Semua

Pada tanggal 19 Mei 2003 dengan Dekrit Presiden (Keppres 28/2003) diberlakukan keadaan darurat militer di Aceh ketika terjadi kegagalan upaya damai lewat CoHA (Cessation of Hostilities Agreement). Entah kapan puisi seperti tertulis di bawah ini menjadi catatan sejarah bukan sedih, sengsara dan kegusaran yang terus berlangsung...

Acehmu Aceh Kita Semua
oleh: Putu Oka

Koran pagi datang membawa suara gagak Raiya
Meraung-raung mengitari wuwungan rumah
Dan sesaat mengepakkan sayapnya sutra hitam memayungi jagatraya
Ada apa di Acehmu Raiya, getir mengguncang, dendam membara?
Tak terhentikan melayangnya nyawa
Tak tertahankan mengucur darah
Sudah berapa dimakamkan jenasah?

Aceh terpapar di ensiklopedia Indonesia:
Luas membentang dari Ulelhe membangun ekor Bukit Barisan
dataran tinggi hijau hutan perawan, gunung- gunung, petak sawah
berhamparan coklat tanahmu, coklat kulit petani terpanggang matahari
menyimpan dan memangku bebijian harta
limapuluh delapan ribu kilometer persegi dijaga tiga juta

Jika kudengar orang bilang Aceh, Acehmu, Aceh kita semua
Seperti lantun suara guru pelajaran sejarah, perkasa melawan Belanda
Nama terus terpahat, Tjut Nyak Dien, Tjut Nyak Meutia,
aku suka perempuan perkasa
Tjik Di Tiro menghadapi Jenderal Ven der Heiden di Pidi,
Teuku Umar tetapi juga Snouck Hurgronje,
tentu engkau paham Raiya,
Tetapi sekarang apa yang terjadi di Lhoseumawe, Meunasah Blang
Apakah ada perang?
Dan kemarin disebutkan nama Ahmad Kandang,
siapa lagi di koran pagi
Letup api, deru helikopter, teriak histeris, siapa lagi
Siapa nama mereka yang tersungkur rebah,
sudahkah tercatat mereka punya nama
Janda-janda, anak lapar tanpa bapak, luka-luka, bekas diperkosa
Gunung Leuser, Gunung Ucap Mulu,
tampak termangu memperkaya catatannya
Dan menggaris-bawahi nama-nama pemimpin zaman orba
yang menjual harta
dan memalingkan muka ketika disapa: untuk siapa?

Airmata gerimis pagi, duka dunia
Langit menyembunyikan cahaya
Cahaya tersimpan di dalam kelam
Kelam memancar di wajah kusam
Wajah berdarah terhantam popor senapan
Siapa yang sudah lupa bahwa mesiu juga dibeli
dari hasil hutanmu Raiya
Makanan dan minuman dari lumbung dan
mata air bagi yang katanya penjaga merdeka,
Apa benar mereka menjaga engkau merdeka,
Apa benar engkau minta merdeka,
kita semua belum tahu siapa punya merdeka,
Kita semua ingin setara.
Adakah kursi orang-orang Jakarta terlalu tinggi tak tergapai
Dipisah barikade dikawal pasukan berani mati
Kebanyakan upeti

Langitmu, langit kita semua
Awan-awan dilangitmu terus bergayut, angin mati tidak berdaya
Hutanmu ligir, dedaunannya kemana
Tanahmu merekah, isinya disimpan siapa
Laparmu lapar kita
Lukamu luka dunia
Tangismu airmata kita
Sungaimu, gunungmu, minyakmu, padi, kelapa sawit, lada
Karet, gambir, gula, gas alam, oi Acehmu kaya raya
(tapi engkau bilang rakyat miskin)
Ada emas perak pula, begitu tulis ensiklopedia Indonesia
Aku mengiburmu Raiya: simpanlah duka di laci meja
Dosanya dibawa sendiri mati
Jika kau dengar ketuk di pintumu: intip dari lobang kunci
Jika ia meminta maaf: bukakan hati
Kemudian antarkan ke kantor polisi.

Seorang teman keponakanku, baru selesai mengikuti penataran
Mampir di rumah seperti penasaran
Berceloteh panjang lebar, tentang Acehnya, walau Aceh kita semua
Ketika diingatkan Jakarta punya banyak telinga
'saya sudah cape diam', begitulah ia sambil terus bercerita
di zaman Suharto belum digusur mahasiswa.

Kiranya ada api di dalam sekam
Walau disiram tidak bertunas damai di sanubari
Sebab apa bulan terus bertengger di batang padi
Walau malam telah lama lari
Tikus terus menari-nari
Pemuda itu menutup cerita: 'cobalah Bapak jadi rakyat Aceh
pasti Bapak seperti saya akan berceloteh.'

Raiya, engkau bertanya di dalam suratmu: Malapetaka apa lagi
dibawakannya untuk kami,
Engkau juga menulis: aku cape lahir bathin,
aku tidak bisa menangis lagi
Aku takut, suara helikopter meraung-raung,
berita kematian tiada henti
Yang di dalam tahanan dianiaya
Jerit anak, perempuan, aku tak sanggup lagi,
telah sekian malam aku tidak bisa tidur,
Aku lelah lahir bathin,
Mala petaka apa lagi dibawakannya buat kami.
Aku merindukan damai.
Tak bisa kubunuh bayang bocah kecil menangis
Ayahnya digiring ke mobil tahanan
Melambaikan tangan
Dan terus menangis
Seperti ibunya terus menangis
Seperti kami terus menangis
Menyembunyikan tangis di dalam ketakutan
Di dalam ketakutan senapan bersahut-sahutan
(Istri kehilangan suami
anak kehilangan bapak
lapar dan dahaga di alam kaya raya,
kami merindukan damai)

Raiya, hapus air mata
Acehmu, Aceh kita semua
Perjalanan jauh untuk kembali jadi manusia

Raiya, Acehmu Aceh kita semua
Ada kalanya kita terdiam
Di dalam diam kita bertanya
Di dalam diam merangkai makna.
Sambil ke sawah mengusir hama
Mendulang emas dan perak kandungan bumi
Jaga pantaimu, siapkan kuitansi bagi pembeli
Burung-burung gagak akan menukar bulunya
Putih bersih berkicau di rumah jaga
Ketika panser dan senapan disimpan di asrama

Aku menghiburmu Raiya: simpanlah duka di laci meja
Dosanya dibawa sendiri mati
Jika kau dengar ketuk di pintumu: intip dari lobang kunci
Jika ia meminta maaf: bukakan hati.
Kemudian antarkan ke kantor polisi.

Meniti benang sampai ke seberang
Jangan terjatuh di tengah jurang
Jika tegak hukum menimbang
Di jalanmulah bintang nyala terang
Menyimpan parang usai perang.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (11 of 24)

It's About Time
Laksamana.Net (May 9, 2003)

Almost exactly five years after the May 1998 riots that killed nearly 1,200 people in Jakarta, the government-sponsored National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has finally said what everyone already knew: the riots were systematically organized.

However, Komnas HAM stopped short of naming the members of the military and political elite who masterminded that May 13-15 riots that precipitated the downfall of former dictator Suharto.

"[The riots] did not take place spontaneously, but were systematically planned for widespread mayhem," Komnas HAM spokesman Enny Suprapto was quoted as saying by Agence France-Presse on Thursday (8/5/03).

He said the riots were instigated by groups of provocateurs that encouraged mobs to loot shops and buildings.

The riots started a day after state security forces shot dead four students at the end of an anti-government protest at West Jakarta's elite Trisakti University. The breakdown in security amid spiraling inflation and economic collapse resulted in Suharto resigning on May 21, 1998.

Although Suprapto declined to name those suspected of organizing the violence, he said a team of Komnas HAM investigators plans to question several high-ranking military and police officers who were in charge of security at the time of the mayhem.

Among those to be questioned are former Indonesian Armed Forces commander General Wiranto, former chief of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) Prabowo Subianto, and former Jakarta Military Police chief Major General Sjafrie Sjamsuddin.

Suprapto said the commission will send a letter to incumbent military commander General Endiartono Sutarto and ask a Jakarta district court to issue an order to summon the officers, by force if necessary.

Investigators won't be able to question former Jakarta Police chief Inspector General Hamami Nata, who was responsible for the capital's security during the unrest, because he died on May 1 at the age of 57.

The Komnas HAM team said the riots were due to a power struggle among the country's political forces and the deteriorating economic situation.

The main victims of the riots were looters who entered buildings and malls that were subsequently set alight and destroyed.

Also among the victims were ethnic Chinese, who have long been resented for their financial acumen. Hundreds of shops owned by ethnic Chinese were looted and destroyed during the riots.

Human rights activists say several hundred ethnic Chinese were killed and at least 168 ethnic Chinese females were systematically raped or gang-raped during the unrest.

The riots were first officially investigated by the so-called Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF), which established that some of the rioting had been provoked by individual members of the military under orders of some of their senior officers. However, the team said the military institution as whole could not be blamed.

TGPF head Marzuki Darusman on November 3, 1998, said that members of the military and the political elite were directly involved in the riots and had instigated the atrocities in the hope that by provoking chaos, they could justify the imposition of martial law.

One of the names mentioned as being responsible for the riots was then Sjafrie Sjamsuddin, who is now spokesman of the Indonesian Defense Forces.

The TGPF said it had verified 66 cases of rape were perpetrated during the riots, but could not say whether the crimes were organized or spontaneous. However, sources say the team failed to announce the full results of its investigations because of strong outside pressures.

Wiranto repeatedly insisted there was no evidence that mass rapes had taken place, although he later conceded that troops were "involved" in the riots.

The TGPF's findings and recommendations were never acted on.

Several of the most momentous and bloody events of Indonesia's history remain shrouded in mystery and have never been satisfactorily resolved.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (10 of 24)

'Gross human rights abuse took place in May riots'
By Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (April 3, 2003)

The National Commission on Human Rights declared on Tuesday that gross human rights violations had occurred during massive riots in Jakarta in May 1998, which preceded the fall of long-time ruler Soeharto.

After carrying out an investigation for about two months, the commission's ad hoc team, led by Solahuddin Wahid, concluded that "security authorities at that time failed to curb the widespread riots that took place simultaneously."

The team also found that the riots erupted as a result of a specific policy, because of "a similar pattern at almost all places where the riots took place, which began with provocation, followed by an attack on civilians".

During three nightmare days in the nation's history, between May 12 and May 14, around 1,200 people were killed. Thousands of people attacked or looted shops, markets and housing estates during the violence. Mass rapes reportedly targeted ethnic Chinese.

The rioting followed mass demonstrations demanding the resignation of Soeharto, which were marked by the shooting dead of four Trisakti University students. He fulfilled the demands on May 21.

Solahuddin said that, during the last two months, his team had examined reports of a government-sanctioned, joint fact-finding team investigating the riots, which, until now, remains unheeded by law enforcers.

Solahuddin, also a younger brother of former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, said the team planned to collect more evidence by questioning several witnesses mentioned in the previous report, including the then Jakarta Military commander and Jakarta Police chief.

The team plans to submit the report to the House of Representatives.

Accompanying Solahuddin during the media conference were team deputy chairman Hasto Atmodjo and member M.M. Bilah.

Under the administration of president B.J. Habibie, also Soeharto's hand-picked successor, the government established a joint team to investigate the May riots and, if possible, reveal the perpetrators and masterminds of the riots.

The 18-member team, which comprised representatives of the Indonesian Military (TNI), government institutions, the rights body and non governmental organizations (NGOs), presented its report to the justice ministry, office of the state minister of women's affairs, security and defense ministry, foreign ministry and the Attorney General's Office.

The team confirmed that at least 66 women, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, were raped during the riots.

Former Jakarta Military commander Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin was the first official to testify to the investigative team. The team also questioned several military officers in charge at the time, including former Army's Strategic Reserves Command chief Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto, former city police chief Maj. Gen. Hamami Nata and former TNI Intelligence Agency chief Maj. Gen. Zacky Anwar Makarim.

The team told the House in 2000 of its belief that there was a link between the unrest, the abduction of political activists and the killing of Trisakti University students by police officers.

But the House rejected public demands and declared no gross human rights violations had taken place in the incidents in Trisakti, Semanggi I in November 1998, and Semanggi II in September 1999. Consequently the House did not recommend the establishment of an ad hoc court to prosecute the suspects in the incidents.

The House further recommended the trial of civilian suspects at the district court and military and police suspects at the military tribunal.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (9 of 24)

Jakarta irks ethnic Chinese
By Richel Dursin
Asia Times (February 20, 2003)

Bekasi, Indonesia (Inter Press Service) - "We're Indonesians. Why do we have to get a citizenship certificate proving that we're Indonesians?" asked Tjiong Tjoei Liong, 70.

Liong, his wife, three children and 14 grandchildren are among thousands of Chinese-Indonesians who are practically "stateless" because they do not have the document called the Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate - mandatory only for Indonesians of ethnic Chinese origin.

In the small village here of Kampung Teko in Bekasi, West Java, where Liong and his family live, most residents do not possess the citizenship document, which is required to obtain identification cards. Kampung Teko is home to more than 100 poor Chinese-Indonesian families whose ancestors have lived here since the 1930s. Some of them work as farmers, motorcycle drivers, and hawkers.

Chinese-Indonesians, who make up 3-5 percent of the country's 215 million, mostly Muslim population, have long protested against the citizenship-document requirement, which was technically abolished in 1996 by then-president Suharto, but still remains enforced today.

The requirement was introduced by the Suharto regime after the 1965 abortive coup, which Jakarta blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party that had strong links with the Chinese Communist Party.

Today, more than three decades that coup and seven years after Suharto reversed the requirement, authorities at the immigration and other government offices still require Chinese-Indonesians to present citizenship certificates when applying for documents such as passports.

They say they continue to do this because there are no implementation guidelines that enforce the revocation of the decree on citizenship documents for Chinese-Indonesians.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who declared the Lunar New Year day on February 1 a national holiday, has asked Justice and Human Rights Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra to issue another decree abolishing the citizenship certificate requirements for Chinese-Indonesians.

But he said it would be "difficult and impossible" to do this in one go, not least because of security reasons.

He said a new citizenship bill must first be passed to remove legal uncertainty - but this bill, about to be deliberated upon by the House of Representatives, is of little comfort: it still contains articles requiring Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity to obtain the controversial document.

"The current draft of the citizenship bill is double-faced," said Eddie Lembong, chairman of the Chinese-Indonesian Association (INTI). "We're struggling to eradicate this state-mandated form of discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians."

Lyang Ling, 23, who got her citizenship papers when she was barely eight years old, said, "We can't understand why we must have the papers when in fact our grandparents and parents are Indonesians."

"Requiring Chinese-Indonesians, even newborns, to get it creates only troubles," said Lembong, reflecting resentment by many at having in effect to "prove" that they are as Indonesian as the next person.

State universities still require the citizenship document from Chinese-Indonesian applicants. Indigenous Indonesians only submit their birth certificates. Even private banks oblige Chinese-Indonesians to produce their citizenship papers when applying for loans.

Chinese-Indonesian expert Andrie Wongso said that the problem lies in a lack of technical instructions from high-ranking officials on how their subordinates should implement new decrees like the scrapping of the citizenship papers.

Others say the vagueness around the revocation of the need for these papers encourages corruption and extortion that many Chinese-Indonesians have to live with. "Extortion is rampant in the government," said Gondomono, who is also deputy president for academic affairs of the Jakarta-based Darma Persada University.

Obtaining a citizenship certificate costs millions of rupiah, depending on the wealth of the claimants and requires significant effort and time.

Last year, renowned badminton player Hendrawan had a hard time getting a citizenship document even though he had represented Indonesia at many international events, including helping the country win last year's Thomas Cup world men's team championship. Hendrawan finally got the document, but only after Megawati intervened.

There are at least 12 bureaucratic institutions involved in the process of issuing the citizenship papers, according to data from the non-governmental group Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa.

In reality, critics say there is no need to wait for a new citizenship bill since the ruling revoking the citizenship document requirement for Chinese-Indonesians still holds.

For some, Mahendra's reluctance to follow Megawati's instructions is politically motivated. Mahendra, who chairs the Crescent Star Party, plans to run in the 2004 direct presidential polls.

"It was already the president of Indonesia who asked for the elimination of the [citizenship papers] requirement. But how can a minister like Mahendra defy the president?" Lembong asked.

Ironically, Mahendra was born in Belitung, South Sumatra, where there are many Chinese-Indonesians, and can speak Hakka, a south Chinese language.

"If we want to get legal documents from the government, we must provide additional certification and pay higher fees," said Guo Hui Xia, 26.

She says she still fears for her life when taking a public bus because of the gruesome series of violent attacks and rapes of ethnic Chinese women in 1998. "If I have to take a public bus, I have to think many times," she said.

Those riots remain a painful episode for Chinese-Indonesians, often perceived to control a disproportionate amount of the economy despite the fact that many of them are struggling to make ends meet like other Indonesians.

Today, "there are 62 discriminative rulings against the Chinese ethnic community still valid in Indonesia", said Ester Jusuf, chairperson of the non-government group Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa.

Other discriminatory laws against Indonesians of ethnic-Chinese origin include a decree by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, which does not include Confucianism or Konghucu among the country's recognized beliefs.

Marriages between Konghucu believers are regarded as illegal and their children illegitimate unless the wedding ceremony is conducted by a Buddhist priest and witnessed by an official at the Religious Affairs Ministry, or they convert to one of the five religions recognized by the government - Islam, Catholicism, Christianity, Protestantism, Hinduism or Buddhism.

"We're tired of being discriminated against. What we only want from the government and society is to treat us fairly. But we know that this is a thousand-mile journey," Lembong said.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (8 of 24)

Reform is only skin deep
Editorial
The Jakarta Post (February 11, 2003)

President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Amien Rais impressed many when they attended the Chinese New Year reception in Jakarta last week.

How could the public not be impressed?

The presence of the two top national leaders, both looking sleek in their Chinese attire befitting the occasion, lent credence to the country's commitment to pluralism, and to respecting the rights of the Chinese, the country's largest minority racial group, to observe their cultures and tradition.

This is the first time that Chinese New Year was made a national public holiday, as a recognition not only of the size of the Chinese community in Indonesia, but also of the important role it plays in the nation.

The many colorful lion and dragon dances performed in public places, banned during the Soeharto regime, are further testimony of the country's improving race relations.

It is therefore easy to conclude that Indonesia has made significant progress during these last five years of Reformasi when it comes to race relations, especially with regard to the question of the ethnic Chinese here.

But as far as the reform credentials of both Megawati Soekarnoputri and Amien Rais, they probably do not go much deeper than the silk of the fine Chinese clothing they wore a few nights ago. They just look like "reformists", but their commitment and actions are highly questionable.

Both Megawati and Amien's rise to the national leadership is owed, in large part, to the 1998 reformation movement. They have both failed to address the question of racial discrimination that still exists in this country.

They could have used the reception last week to convey the message to those present, including many leading Chinese-Indonesian figures, of their commitment to wipe out all of the remaining discriminatory laws and regulations.

Instead, they have chosen not to act or comment, even while the issue has been fiercely debated in public during the observance of the Chinese New Year.

The bad news came from the government's staff at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, and the State Secretariat, who, amidst the debate, dropped the bombshell last week: The racist rules are here to stay, at least for a little while longer.

Both government agencies pointed to the existing 1958 citizenship law as the basis of the government practice of requiring Indonesians of Chinese descent to obtain a court document as proof of citizenship (SBKRI). This rule is applied even if one is born in this country. Even if one's parents already have the document, it is still required, and will likely be for one's children and grandchildren.

The government says that as long as the 1958 law is not repealed, the practice will continue. The government is drafting a new legislation on citizenship, but with the House of Representatives flooded with more than 50 bills to deliberate, it will be a long time before the new law can be enacted, if ever.

This SBKRI ruling is one of about 60 other government rules and regulations that discriminate against Chinese-Indonesians on the basis of the color of their skin.

Sadly, going by the government's attitude to ignore altogether the entire issue of discrimination against the Chinese community, it looks like changes, if they ever come, will only come slowly.

Most of the changes that we saw in the last five years have been largely cosmetic.

The Chinese already celebrated the New Year -- albeit secretly -- annually even when the government forbade an open display of their cultural expressions. A holiday to mark the new year is certainly welcome, but that is not the biggest issue confronting the Chinese community in Indonesia today.

Racism, and especially one that is institutionalized through laws and government regulations, is the challenge that needs our urgent attention.

Institutionalized racial discrimination, in turn, breeds the prejudices that still exist in our society. You eliminate the racist rules, you will gradually phase out these racial prejudices in society.

By ignoring the problem, and by refusing to revoke the laws and regulations, this government is not only condoning racism, it is also promoting and nurturing it.

This, in short, is a racist government.

All that we really needed in this campaign to eliminate racism was a strong political will from the top.

President Abdurrahman Wahid, perhaps the only true pluralist among present day leaders, started the process to eliminate racist laws and regulations after he was electd president in 1999. Sadly, he did not see his work completed as he was toppled prematurely in 2001.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri or MPR Chairman Amien Rais, who is a presidential hopeful himself, could have used the Chinese New Year reception last week as a platform to make their position on the issue clear. They chose not to.

But then, as we have learned about some of our leaders by now, their reform credentials are only skin deep.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (7 of 24)

Jakarta eases the pressure on Chinese
By Matthew Moore
The Age (February 8, 2003)

Indonesia is gradually winding back the elaborate system of discrimination against its Chinese citizens.

Foreign travellers arriving in Indonesia are still asked if they are carrying pornographic magazines or more than a litre of liquor, but the question asking if you possess material printed in Chinese has suddenly disappeared.

For the first time in nearly 40 years, this requirement to declare Chinese language books, magazines and newspapers has been scrapped.

In Indonesia's bookstores, Chinese titles now sit side by side those in Indonesian and English. Until a few years ago, Chinese-Indonesian dictionaries could be sold only if they used Latin letters throughout.

Schools are now teaching children how to read and write with Chinese characters. Chinese films screen on television and in cinemas. Any town with a sizeable Chinese population has a Chinese radio station.

Everywhere there are public signs that the elaborate system of discrimination against Chinese Indonesians refined over decades by former president Soeharto is being gradually wound back. In the most dramatic gesture of all, President Megawati Soekarnoputri declared this year's Chinese New Year, known as Imlek, would be a national holiday.

Jakarta's Chinatown was once famous as the only Chinatown with no Chinese writing. Now it is festooned with banners and lanterns decorated in Indonesian and Chinese language welcoming the year of the sheep.

These new freedoms have helped begin to erase some of the bitterness and fear among the Chinese Indonesian community whose members were murdered and raped and had their businesses burnt in the nationwide riots of 1998.

But many Chinese say much of the change is gloss and predict full equality will only come with years of struggle.

At the heart of their resentment is the issue of identity.

Indonesian adult citizens must carry an identity card. If you are a Chinese Indonesian you cannot get one without first getting another identity document called an SKBRI (Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate).

And if you are a Chinese Indonesian living in Jakarta the local Government insists you also have a card called a K-1.

Getting the SKBRI can require approval from a dozen Government institutions starting at the local neighbourhood administration office, moving through the local Government bureaucracy, on to the police, the courts and finally to the Ministry of Justice. In a country as corrupt as Indonesia, officials can seek bribes at every step.

"It's a lengthy, costly, miserable process," says head of the Chinese Indonesian Association Eddie Lembong.

In theory, no one should even need one any more as the SKBRI has been abolished by presidential decree, but the officials who still benefit from its existence are not about to forget it.

Without one, Mr Lembong says, Chinese still struggle to get into state universities, get credit from a bank, get a birth certificate for their children or a passport for themselves. Lawyer Frans Winarta, who founded anti-discrimination group GANDI to push for Chinese equality, says he has documented 64 separate but interwoven laws, regulations, presidential decrees and other instruments forbidding or restricting Chinese activities.

President Soeharto used them in part to force Chinese assimilation, calling on Chinese to abandon their "exclusiveness", banning public practice of religion and cultural festivals.

Special rules applying to the Chinese were around long before Mr Soeharto seized power with the Dutch colonisers dividing the population into three categories, with Chinese included in one called "foreign orientals".

Mr Winarta describes the decades of restrictions on Chinese language and culture as "a kind of cultural genocide" that poisoned Indonesian minds and left many believing all Chinese culture was bad.

"This sticks in the minds of so many people... even some of my friends who claim they are human rights advocates," he says. Mr Winarta says even scrapping all the regulations would do little unless the Government and Chinese Indonesians work to overcome a legacy of discrimination.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (6 of 24)

Citizenship bill maintains institutionalized racism
By Moch. N. Kurniawan and Berni K. Moestafa, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (February 6, 2003)

Demands for the elimination of institutionalized discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians have fallen on deaf ears as both the government and House have moved to reinforce existing discriminatory laws.

In the citizenship bill that is about to be deliberated in the House, the government makes no attempt to reverse regulations requiring Chinese-Indonesians to obtain the controversial Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI), long seen as a blatant piece of discrimination against Indonesians of ethnic Chinese origin.

Article 39 of the bill, which was submitted to the House in 2000, stipulates that every one is required to prove their Indonesian citizenship, and those who have citizenship may apply to the justice minister or official to obtain it.

Chinese-Indonesians, who account for over three percent of the country's population of 215 million, are still required to have an SBKRI as stipulated in the Citizenship Law No. 62/1958. Many had hoped that the new citizenship bill would scrap this requirement.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri, who declared the Lunar New Year, or Imlek, a national holiday, is scheduled to attend the national celebration for the Chinese New Year on Thursday.

It is still unclear, however, if she will revoke some of the over 60 laws that discriminate against Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity.

Megawati had reportedly asked Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra to revoke the SBKRI ruling, but the later declined saying that this would go against the 1958 citizenship law.

Yusril was referring to the closing article IV of the 1958 citizenship law and Presidential Decree No 52/1977 on demographic affairs.

Chinese-Indonesians are the most affected by the SBKRI requirement, and frequently complain that institutions like the immigration office and state universities still require them to present an SBKRI if they want to get a passport or enroll.

The government has actually scrapped all laws and regulations on the SBKRI requirement through Presidential Decree No. 56/1996 on the SBKRI, but many institutions have been reluctant to implement it.

The bill also regulates the citizenship of children born out of both legitimate and illicit relationships.

Article 2 (e) stipulates that a child born in Indonesia from a lawful marriage between an Indonesian mother and stateless father will be recognized as an Indonesian citizen.

A child born here from a lawful marriage between an Indonesian mother and foreign father will also be declared Indonesian.

Compared to the existing laws, the bill provides greater protection for Indonesian women who get married to foreign citizens.

Meanwhile, a member of the National Commission on Human Rights, Saafroedin Bahar, said on Wednesday that with enough commitment, legislators should have no problem deliberating the citizenship bill.

"When we submitted the bill to the House, there was already a broad understanding among legislators to end discrimination," said Saafroedin,

explaining that the government had asked the commission along with several non-government organizations to help draft the bill.

But he doubted that legislators would start debating the bill anytime soon. The House has yet to start or finalize the deliberation on a a number of bills that the government submitted last year or even earlier.

University of Indonesia constitutional law expert Jimly Asshiddiqie agreed that the government had little choice but to wait for the legislators to start working.

He advised against bypassing the present citizenship law with an ad-hoc government regulation, fearing that this would create damaging loopholes in the regulation without a law to back it up.

But he suggested that the government launch an anti-discrimination campaign to support the implementation of the new citizenship law.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (5 of 24)

Govt appears to be reluctant to end discriminatory policies
By Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (February 5, 2003)

Despite increasing calls for an end to racial discrimination, the government appears reluctant to eradicate institutionalized discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians.

This reluctance was amply demonstrated by a letter dated Sept. 6, 2002, from Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra to State Secretary Bambang Kesowo, a copy of which was seen by The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

Responding to President Megawati Soekarnoputri's instruction to revoke a ministerial decree requiring Chinese-Indonesians to acquire a Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI), Yusril said that the issuing of a ministerial decree revoking the SBKRI requirement would run contrary to Law No. 62/1958 on citizenship and Presidential Decree No 52/1977 on demographic affairs.

Presidential Decree No. 56/1996, however, stipulated that all the laws and regulations on the SBKRI requirement were no longer effective. Nevertheless, according to Yusril, the decree applied only to wives and children whose husbands, fathers, or mothers possessed an SBKRI.

"To avoid legal uncertainty, the revocation of the SBKRI requirement must await the House's deliberation of the new citizenship bill," read the letter.

The House has initiated and is currently deliberating a bill on citizenship.

The SBKRI is required by various institutions, such as the immigration office and state universities for Chinese-Indonesian applicants.

Chinese-Indonesians, who number about six million, have consistently complained about the SBKRI requirement and called on the government to take action to abolish it.

Besides the SBKRI requirement, there are a number of other discriminatory requirements that need to be abolished.

Chinese-Indonesians, however, have recovered some of their civil rights, a development highlighted by the designation of the Lunar New Year (Imlek), as a national holiday by the government.

Director for State Administration at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights Ramly Hutabarat said the revocation of the SBKRI rules depended on the House.

"We have not yet included an article on the revocation of the SBKRI requirement in the bill," he said.

Deputy Cabinet Secretary Erman Radjagukguk said that Yusril had sent an official letter to his office regarding the latter's stance.

"He said in his letter that for security reasons and due to citizenship technicalities, it would be difficult to revoke the discriminatory laws at the moment," Erman told the Post.

"His response is a setback to our efforts. We have been involved in repeated debates with him over his letter," the official added.

Erman said that according to Yusril, it would be impossible to revoke the SBKRI ruling as there would be too many citizenship documents that would need to be revised in such an eventuality.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (4 of 24)

Chinese New Year celebrations proceed peacefully nationwide
Jakarta Post (February 3, 2003)

Jakarta - Celebrations for Chinese New Year, known locally as Imlek, proceeded peacefully on Saturday in cities throughout the country, with people marking the holiday by visiting temples and watching barongsai (dragon dance) performances.

Chinese-Indonesians praised the government for declaring the Chinese New Year a national holiday. However, they regretted that numerous discriminatory legislations and regulations against those of Chinese descent were still in place, particularly a decree obliging Chinese-Indonesians to obtain a Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI).

On Saturday, Chinese communities in Jakarta expressed joy during the festivities and prayed for the nation's unity and people's prosperity.

"We are happy to be able to celebrate the Chinese New Year after years of discrimination," said Muchtar, a priest at the Tri Tunggal Temple on Jl. Dwiwarna in Central Jakarta.

Shopping malls in Jakarta put on a festive mood for the New Year with red lanterns, colorful banners and other symbols characteristic of the holiday. Many of the malls organized dragon dances.

In Surakarta, where a racial conflict exploded in the early 1980s between Chinese-Indonesians and Javanese locals, celebrations also went untroubled, Antara reported.

The holiday was marked with the exhibition of a giant cake. The manager of the Indonesian Record Museum (MURI), Paulus Pangka, said the cake had been added to the museum's collection of records as the biggest one ever made in Indonesia.

Weighing 3.2 tons, the cake will be shared among people attending the city's dragon dance performance, which is scheduled for Wednesday.

The Chinese community in Banda-Aceh celebrated the New Year amid improving security following a peace deal between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Chinese-Indonesians in Banda-Aceh said they were happy for the peace, which allowed them to celebrate the New Year.

Traditions held in conjunction with the Chinese New Year are observed not only by followers of Confucianism, but all Chinese-Indonesians, regardless of their religious or social background.

People in Bandar Lampung, the capital of Lampung, flocked to the Thai Hin Bio temple to pray. Built in 1986, it is the oldest temple in the city.

Coa Kee Soen, a priest at the temple, said celebrations would last for 15 days. He said everyone of Chinese descent would celebrate the event, and not only Buddhists.

Chinese-Indonesians in the regency of Belu, West Timor, celebrated the New Year in modesty. They visited friends and relatives to ask for their forgiveness and enjoy meals together.

The Chinese population in the regency stands at 1,000 and they have mixed with the local community.

Jhon Atet, who was celebrating the New Year, said that the holiday meant the recognition of the Chinese community. He added that the government's move to declare it a national holiday would strengthen national unity.

In the North Sulawesi capital of Manado, the celebration was marked with heavy rain throughout Saturday. A Buddhist cleric at Ban Hing Kiong Temple, Edgar Karundeng, said the rains augured a sign of luck for this year.

Most shops belonging to those of Chinese descent in downtown Manado were closed for the holiday.

Ko Han, a resident of Manado, thanked the government for acknowledging the New Year and placing it among the other national holidays. He said the decision had allowed him to enjoy a special New Year's celebration this year.

In Pontianak, the capital of West Kalimantan, which is home to 4,000 people of Chinese descent, people visited temples and churches on Saturday to celebrate the New Year.

Candles standing two meters high were lit in the temples.

After praying at the temples, people visited the elder members of their family. Children and teenagers usually receive angpao, a red envelope that contains money, from elder family members.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (3 of 24)

Political will needed to eliminate racial discrimination
By Zakki Hakim, Jakarta
Jakarta Post (February 3, 2003)

Eliminating discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians will take a long time and require not only the revocation of some 60 discriminatory rulings, but also a commitment by all sides to promote tolerance, assimilation and equality, according to analysts.

The analysts appreciated the official recognition of the Chinese New Year, but said the real problem was the unequal and discriminatory treatment of so-called nonindigenous citizens.

Frans Winarta, a lawyer, said revoking discriminatory regulations would not guarantee equality unless all groups in society were committed to accepting Chinese-Indonesians as part of a pluralistic society.

"But refusing to revoke the discriminatory regulations, under the Roman Statute of the Human Rights Tribunal, means the government could be considered as committing a state crime against its citizens," Frans said.

For the first time in the country's history, the government declared Chinese New Year, or Imlek as it is popularly known here, a national holiday.

Indonesians of Chinese descent account for approximately 3 percent, or around six million, of the country's 215 million population. However, they control over 60 percent of the country's economy.

Following the abortive coup in 1965, which the government blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the government introduced rules and regulations aimed at curbing the movement of Chinese-Indonesians in the country. PKI had a strong affiliation with the Chinese Communist Party.

Some of the discriminatory laws include the requirement for Chinese-Indonesians to acquire a citizenship certificate, popularly known as SKBRI.

Former president Abdurrahman Wahid revoked some of the discriminatory regulations, but around 60 laws and decrees of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) are still in place.

Myra Sidharta, an observer of Chinese society, said eliminating racial discrimination would take a long time, as it did in the United States, often thought of as the most democratic country in the world.

She said the process would be lengthy and difficult because discrimination here had its roots in the Dutch colonial era.

During colonial times, participation by Indonesians of Chinese descent was limited to the area of trade only.

"Many people still have the misperception that the ethnic Chinese are businesspeople and second-class citizens, making them rich and perfect targets for extortion," she said.

She said that besides revoking the some 60 discriminatory regulations, the nation's political and religious leaders should set a good example in their dealings with people of other races, ethnic groups and religions.

She said the country's leaders should demonstrate their respect for social diversity and promote cooperation and friendship among different races, ethnic groups and religions.

Juwono Sudarsono, former head of the Communication Body for the Appreciation of National Unity, suggested the relevant authorities hold a dialog about how to eliminate discrimination in the private sector and the bureaucracy.

"The government should provide equal opportunities for all its citizens, including ethnic Chinese, to enter the bureaucracy, the military and other state institutions such as the House of Representatives and the judiciary," he said.

He said the discriminatory policy favoring indigenous citizens in Malaysia was not a good example for Indonesia.

"(Malaysian Prime Minister) Mahathir's policy might have worked for 15 years, but I am not so sure it will be relevant in the next five years. I am quite confident that the model implemented in Indonesia will be more effective in eliminating discrimination and promoting diversity in the long run," he said.

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (2 of 24)

Chinese Indonesians can holiday but still face discrimination
By Ian Timberlake
Agence France Presse (January 31, 2003)

Jakarta - Indonesia's small ethnic Chinese community takes another small step toward equality Saturday when they celebrate the Lunar New Year for the first time as a national public holiday.

But the red lanterns and dragons displayed in many shopping centres across the country ahead of the celebrations cannot mask the fact that discriminative laws and practices remain, ethnic Chinese say.

"The discrimination is widespread in many forms toward the Chinese Indonesians," Eddie Lembong, general chairman of the Chinese Indonesian Association (INTI), told AFP Friday in comments echoed by others.

"There are still a lot of discriminative laws and practices that we need to abolish," said Alvin Lie, a House of Representatives legislator.

Lie, 41, a third-generation Indonesian and one of the country's few ethnic Chinese politicians, told AFP the mistreatment was a legacy of former president Suharto's repressive 32-year rule.

However Lie said progress in restoring the rights of ethnic Chinese had been made since Suharto stepped down almost five years ago.

Suharto's successor, B.J. Habibie, reversed a ban on the public display of Chinese culture as part of the equality measures.

Chinese-language newspapers and television programs also became more widely available and the "barongsai" lion dance began to be seen in public.

In 2001 President Abdurrahman Wahid then declared Imlek, as Lunar New Year is known here, an optional holiday.

And last year President Megawati Sukarnoputri said Imlek would in 2003 become an official national holiday for the first time.

"I believe we should be grateful for the political acknowledgment that we gain our official existence in Indonesia, " said Lie, of the opposition National Mandate Party.

However there is a strong sentiment that the measures have not changed long-held feelings.

"Recognition it may be, but it is only a token gesture," The Jakarta Post newspaper wrote in a Friday editorial.

Lembong, 67, also said there was still a long way to go to achieve equality for Indonesia's ethnic Chinese.

"There are still about 60 different regulations which are discriminating against the Chinese Indonesians," Lembong said.

Among these is the "mother law", a requirement that began in Dutch colonial times for ethnic Chinese to be identified on their birth certificates, he said.

Ethnic Chinese are also banmed from becoming civil servants and there is a limit on their placement in medical schools.

In a nation where corruption is rife, ethnic Chinese also say they are frequently targetted for higher bribes than their non-Chinese countrymen seeking services like identity cards or passports.

A small group of extremely wealthy ethnic Chinese cronies backed the Suharto regime and contributed to a perception that all Chinese are extremely wealthy, which Lie says is false.

"The fact is that many Chinese descendants are not living wealthy lives, especially in Kalimantan they live as poor fishermen and farmers," said Lie.

Lie urged his fellow ethnic Chinese, who number just three to four percent of
Indonesia's more than 210 million people, to participate more fully in society despite the discrimination.

And Lembong said that while he hoped discriminatory laws could be revoked, it was more important to build a society of equality, mutual acceptance and understanding.

"We do not ask for special treatment, other than equality," he said. (it/tn/kma/rl)

Black May 1998: 5th Commemoration (1 of 24)

Five years after May 1998 tragedy in Indonesia. We will keep on fighting for justice for the victims of May 1998 tragedy and the abolishment of discriminatory regulations in Indonesia. Following is compilation of articles around the above mentioned issues during 2003. In chronological order and the highlights are mine.

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Indonesia to mark first official Chinese New Year quietly
Deutsche Presse-Agentur (January 30, 2003)

Jakarta - For the first time in Indonesian history the Chinese lunar New Year starting this Saturday will be officially celebrated as a public holiday, although no fireworks displays or parades are planned.

"Lucky for the government it falls on a Saturday this New Year," joked Eddie Lembong, chairman of the Indonesia Tionghoa (Chinese) Association.

Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who is expected to preside over an official Chinese New Year ceremony on February 6, declared the lunar New Year a national holiday last year.

The New Year's gesture has received a mixed response from the country's heterogeneous ethnic Chinese population, numbering around 8 million, or 4 per cent of Indonesia's 215 million people.

"It's just a political ploy," said Chinese-Indonesian lawyer Frans Hendra Winarta. "Megawati needs the Chinese vote in the 2004 election."

Others have welcomed the gesture as long-overdue recognition of Chinese religious beliefs in a country where the Chinese comprise the largest ethnic minority and a powerful economic force, albeit a rarely appreciated one.

"We are grateful for the president's decision to make the lunar New Year a public holiday as long as it is considered a religious holiday, because all religions should be treated equally," said Lembong.

Confucianism, in fact, is not recognised as a religion under Indonesian regulations which demand every citizen chose one of five religions on their citizen ID cards, providing a choice between Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Catholicism and Protestantism.

The requirement dates back to the bad-old days of former President Suharto who came to power in 1965-66 with a military coup aimed at putting an end to the growing political influence of communism in Indonesia, and by association the Chinese-Indonesian nationalists who were once close to Sukarno, the country's first president.

Suharto, who ruled Indonesia between 1966 to 1998, during his first years in power pushed through a handful of blatantly discriminatory regulations such as presidential decree No. 240/66 requiring ethnic Chinese to assume Indonesian names, decree 37/67 that limits the economic opportunities of Chinese-Indonesian and No. 455/68 that prohibits the building of Chinese temples and other public displays of Chinese culture.

Other laws discriminating against the ethnic Chinese and other minorities of foreign origin such as Indians and Arabs, predate even Suharto.

For instance, the Indonesian constitution of 1945 states that only an "indigenous Indonesian" may become president, while birth registration regulations inherited from the Dutch colonialists still classify newborns into three categories - Dutch and European, Orientals of foreign origin and Indigenous Indonesians.

Perhaps the most discriminatory regulation is the so-called SBKRI identification card, which every Chinese-Indonesian must get after turning 18 if they wish to receive an Indonesian passport, enter a public university or apply for a business permit.

Many ethnic Chinese complain that the SBKRI requirement is an open invitation to the notoriously corrupt Indonesian bureaucracy to milk them for money and an easy means of discrimination in education and public sector employment.

"In Indonesia there is an unofficial quota for Indonesian-Chinese to be accepted in state colleges of about 2 to 3 per cent," said Benny Subanto, a researcher for Indonesia's Centre for Chinese Studies. "And they can impose it because of the SPKRI requirement."

While the Chinese-Indonesian community is generally pleased with the friendlier attitude towards them displayed by Megawati and her predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid (president from 1999 to 2001), there is disappointment that the "reform era" has resulted in so little progress in ridding the country of its discriminatory legislation.

None of the blatantly discriminatory decrees were repealed by either Wahid and thus far Megawati's main move has been to declare Chinese New Year another public holiday, of which there are already plenty in Indonesia.

"Why haven't they repealed these decrees?" asked lawyer Winarta, who has long campaigned for equal rights for the ethnic minority groups in Indonesia.

"It's very easy for the president to repeal decrees, not even requiring an agreement from Parliament, said Winarta. "What's lacking is the political will," he said, answering his own question.

Lembong does not expect changes in Indonesia's discriminatory laws in his lifetime.

"First there is negative economic motivation, because these regulations mean the bureaucracy can make a lot of money from this discrimination," said the chairman of the Indonesian Chinese Association. "And second, some people in the government or public still feel the Chinese-Indonesians are not fully legitimate components of this nation." (dpa/pj/js)