Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (38 of 40)

Chinese in Indonesia can breathe easier
By Leo Suryadinata
A senior research fellow at the Institute of South-east Asian Studies
The Straits Times [Singapore] - Commentary (Monday, September 27, 2004)

Now the dust has settled, one interesting question is how the ethnic Chinese voted in both rounds of Indonesia's presidential election.

In the first round, all five candidates - Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri, Mr Wiranto, Dr Amien Rais and Mr Hamzah Haz - vouched that they would, if elected, treat the Chinese justly and equally. They would also rescind any existing discriminatory laws and policies.

Responding positively to these overtures, the Chinese were, however, also aware some candidates may be friendlier to them than others. These did not include three of the five: Mr Wiranto, Dr Amien and Mr Hamzah. Mr Wiranto was rumoured to have been involved in the May 1998 anti-Chinese riots; Dr Amien was no longer considered a 'nationalist' but an 'Islamist'; and Mr Hamzah, an Islamist, was least appealing to the Chinese.

By contrast, Mr Bambang, the coordinating security minister in the Megawati Cabinet before he was sacked and de facto leader of the new Democrat Party, had a relatively clean image. Trained in the United States, he was seen as a moderate Muslim who favoured a secular Pancasila state.

However, he formed an alliance with the Crescent and Star Party, an Islamist set-up that advocates syariah law for Indonesia. Also, he selected as his running mate Mr Jusuf Kalla, a rich Muslim businessman and strong advocate of nativist policies that favour the pribumis, or sons of the soil.

Perceived to be anti-Chinese and anti-Christian, Mr Jusuf was quoted during the campaign as saying the new government may reopen debt issue cases involving Chinese tycoons. Mr Bambang, however, insisted he is a pluralist and will treat all ethnic groups equally.

The Chinese were apparently unconvinced. Throwing their support behind Ms Megawati, who is seen as a secularist and one friendlier to the Chinese - she even declared Chinese New Year a national holiday and the Chinese had not been worse off in her administration - it was a case of better the devil you know than one you don't. Even her running mate, Mr Hasyim Muzadi of the Nahdlatul Ulama, was considered by Chinese to be a moderate Muslim.

Of course, it would be wrong to suggest all Chinese Indonesians voted for Ms Megawati. The older generation, especially businessmen, and those who are culturally more Chinese, did support her, but those who are more integrated into Indonesian society, the better-educated and those who aren't in big business tended to support Mr Bambang, whom they perceive as someone who will not only improve Indonesian security and economic conditions but is also a nationalist who will be fair to all ethnic groups.

Then came the run-off election on Sept 20. This was quite similar to the first round, except for the Australian embassy bombing in Jakarta on Sept 9. For many, the blast suggested Ms Megawati was unable to handle the security issue.

Nevertheless, terrorism was not the main issue. The economy, corruption, education and unemployment took centrestage. Again, both candidates campaigned for the Chinese vote.

Mr Jusuf went to Glodok, Jakarta's Chinatown, last month to talk with some Chinese businessmen, during which he insisted he was not anti-Chinese, but to no avail. Moreover, Mr Bambang's alliance with the radical Islamic parties, Partai Bulan Bintang and Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, coloured his candidacy.

Then there was his military background, which worried those who recalled the May 1998 anti-Chinese riots many believed were supported by the armed forces.

This is not to say Mr Bambang was without Chinese supporters. A young and respected economic analyst, Mr Lin Che Wei, openly endorsed his candidacy. In fact, Mr Bambang's party even included a newly-elected Chinese Member of Parliament.

However, Ms Megawati had more Chinese supporters. In her party were at least four newly-elected Chinese MPs, including big businessman Murdaya Poo. A few days before the run-off election, a Hakka organisation even went to visit Ms Megawati to express support.

In the event, the Chinese vote wasn't enough to improve Ms Megawati's fortunes. She still lost.

Some Chinese are now worried a Bambang administration may introduce affirmative action policies stacked against their interests.

But many observers feel that since his immediate task would be to create more jobs and draw in foreign investment, Mr Bambang will need the full cooperation of Chinese business. It's probably fair to surmise that, in the short term at least, he is unlikely to adopt any policy inimical to his objectives and programmes.

The Chinese can breathe easier - for now.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (37 of 40)

Chinese Question Set to Sway Indonesia's Voters
By Shawn Donnan
Financial Times (UK) - September 15, 2004

Harun Hajadi is US-educated and successful. Pondering the state of the Indonesian economy, he speaks of the need for further measures to attract foreign investment and bemoans a missing sense of urgency among the country's leaders.

This should put him on the side of the reformers in Indonesia, where many characterise the presidential run-off election next Monday as a battle between entrenched interests. These are led by incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri and the forces for change, championed by her former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

But Mr Hajadi is ethnically Chinese, which means that a more fundamental concern is driving his vote. Like many of his peers in the powerful Sino-Indonesian business community, the 43-year-old property executive says he plans to back Mrs Megawati on September 20, because of what he sees as the anti-Chinese stance of Mr Yudhoyono's running-mate, Jusuf Kalla.

Mr Kalla advocates affirmative action policies for the majority pribumi, or indigenous Indonesians, and has stubbornly defended that stance in an attempt to appeal to pribumi voters. On his official website (http://www.jusufkalla.com/) he argues that "favouritism for pribumi should be reaffirmed and explicitly maintained".

Those factors may not prevent a victory for Mr Yudhoyono. The retired general has seen his popularity surge this year thanks to promises to tackle rampant corruption and stimulate an economy caught in a patchy recovery. With the final burst of campaigning having started yesterday, recent polls indicate he is the choice of up to 60 per cent of voters, with 30 per cent favouring Mrs Megawati.

However, Indonesian business is dominated by the ethnic Chinese minority. Should Mr Yudhoyono win, therefore, his government's relationship with that community will play a key part in his ability to jump-start the economy.

It could also have wider repercussions among the foreign investors Mr Yudhoyono is promising to woo. These have a long tradition of carefully monitoring flows of Sino-Indonesian capital and the community's sentiment.

Chinese-run businesses were allowed to thrive under former strongman Mr Suharto, even as their owners were the victims of institutionalised discrimination that prevented them from taking part in politics. After the 1998 riots that accompanied Mr Suharto's fall, however, local Chinese businesses became the targets of popular violence and much of that Sino-Indonesian capital fled to Singapore and elsewhere. The fear of many Chinese is that pro-pribumi comments such as Mr Kalla's could once again inflame anti-Chinese passions.

When Mr Yudhoyono picked Mr Kalla, a prominent pribumi businessman, as his running-mate earlier this year, he said Mr Kalla would oversee economic policy. That raised fears a new government in Jakarta could veer in a populist direction.

Economic advisers to Mr Yudhoyono now say this allocation of roles is unlikely to occur. Others point to reports of divisions between the two men - and to the fact the bookish former general has been reading up on economics.

He has also done more than his running-mate to address the Chinese community's fears, which are rooted in the May 1998 riots that led to Mr Suharto's fall and saw many Chinese-owned businesses targeted.

"The leader of this country must be a pluralist, must be a president for everyone," Mr Yudhoyono told a special forum earlier this month designed to address the Chinese community's concerns.

That message has registered with some prominent Chinese Indonesians, in spite of their concerns about Mr Kalla, whose father was a high-profile beneficiary of pro-pribumi economic policies in the 1950s.

"My family evacuated [to Singapore] in May 1998 because of the racial riots," says Lin Che Wei, a prominent financial analyst and adviser to Mr Yudhoyono on economic policy. "So do you think I would support someone who is actually racist?"

Other prominent Sino-Indonesians are willing to wait and see. "Jusuf Kalla has the reputation of being very anti-Chinese. But I think we should give him the benefit of the doubt," says Thee Kian Wie, a leading economic historian.

In the last six years, Chinese new year has become a national holiday and constitutional barriers to ethnic Chinese holding political office have been removed. Technically, ethnic Chinese are no longer required to carry special citizenship certificates, but the reality is that they are still often asked for by bureaucrats.

But many Chinese leaders remain convinced Mr Kalla would try to roll back those gains. "Just using the terms 'pribumi' and 'non-pribumi' is a step back for the country," says Lieus Sungkharisma, head of the Indonesian Chinese Reform party.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (36 of 40)

Indonesian Pres Front-Runner Aims To End Discrimination

Jakarta, Sept. 7, 2004 (AP)--Indonesia's presidential front-runner said Tuesday he would end discrimination in the country, the world's most populous Muslim nation, including the ill-treatment of women, religious minorities and ethnic Chinese, if he wins a Sept. 20 runoff election.

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is leading President Megawati Sukarnoputri in popularity polls, said he would ensure his policies were fair.

"I understand that within a democracy there should be no differences in treating its citizens," he said in a speech at a gathering of political and media analysts.

"The spirit of nondiscrimination, pluralism and respect for one another has to be upheld," Yudhoyono said. "We have to end discrimination against women and the Indonesian Chinese. Followers of all religions should be treated fairly with a spirit to ensuring the plurality of Indonesia."

More than 85% of the country's 215 million people are Muslim, while the remainder include Christians, Hindus and Buddhists.

Indonesian former dictator Suharto backed laws that kept ethnic Chinese out of politics and banned Chinese writing or other expressions of Chinese culture during his 32 years in power.

However, perceptions that he gave Chinese special privileges to run monopolies and accumulate large wealth fostered widespread resentment.

During 1998 riots that led to Suharto's ouster, thousands of Chinese-owned homes and shops were burned or looted. There were allegations of mass rapes of Chinese women and girls.

The government abolished the discriminatory laws two years after Suharto's downfall in 1998.

Indonesian women still have a low representation in business, government and politics.

Polls released last week showed that Yudhoyono is far in front of Megawati with a 58.2% support rating. Megawati trailed with 29.2%, while 12.5% said they were undecided.

Support for Yudhoyono has skyrocketed since he announced his candidacy in March. Voters view him as a clean, strong leader who could battle Indonesia's widespread corruption, settle its separatist conflicts and revive its moribund economy.

But in recent weeks, polls have shown Megawati closing the gap, partly over fears that Yudhoyono wouldn't do enough to protect the Chinese minority. His running mate, Jusuf Kalla, has also come under fire for suggesting he would favor Indonesian business executives at the expense of Chinese entrepreneurs.

Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle is endorsed by the country's biggest Christian-based party.

Yudhoyono has been chastised by some Muslims for including Christians among his advisers while Christians have expressed concerns over his teaming up with the conservative Islamic Justice and Prosperity Party.

Yudhoyono came in first in the July 5 presidential election with 33.5% of the popular vote, while Megawati garnered 26.6%. Indonesian law requires a runoff vote if no candidate receives more than 50%.

Edited by Mary de Wet

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (35 of 40)

Minority participation and democratization
By Christine Susanna Tjhin, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post - Opinion (Friday, September 3, 2004)

Since the legislative election in April, more Chinese-Indonesians have undoubtedly been engaged in the country's democratization, and this degree of enthusiasm is a new precedent for their future participation.

In the past, the only "participation" expected concerned economic activities. The reconstruction of the Chinese-Indonesian identity was shaped much by such economic preferences, which led to the stereotypical stigma that the ethnic group, which comprises 2 percent of the Indonesian population, makes up 70 percent of the economy.

Although no valid proof exists to indicate the precise economic power of Chinese-Indonesians -- nor any to calculate the economic power of other ethnic groups in Indonesia -- this "popular" stigma has stuck.

The notion of Chinese-Indonesians holding economic power has held sway for as long as the nation's history, particularly since the colonial era. However, this stigma was amplified in the late 1990s during the Asian financial crisis by the laziness and bombastic tendencies of some former journalists, who quoted incorrectly Michael Backman's 1995 work on Indonesian conglomerates.

Backman investigated the market capitalization of 300 companies and found that 73 percent of the companies' total market capitalization was owned by Chinese-Indonesian conglomerates. Market capitalization, however, is not the national economy, because it excludes state-owned enterprises, multinationals and foreign companies that provide far greater contributions. Still, the damage had been done and attempts to rectify the fallacy were mostly futile, and the effect of this long-held "popular" stigma peaked during the tragic events of May 1998.

In the context of the 2004 general elections, elites who needed funds thought it would be profitable to lure the support of Chinese-Indonesians with trivial promises of enforcing the abolishment of the Chinese-specific Indonesian citizenship certificate, or SBKRI, and of eradicating discrimination -- but without appreciating the actual potential of the Chinese-Indonesian community in contributing to democratization.

Speaking of the Chinese-Indonesian community and democratic development in terms of the unproven sums of money they might have and could donate is superficial and potentially damaging. Why not look at Indonesians of Chinese descent with glasses of a different shade?

Since the 1999 presidential election, Chinese-Indonesians have relatively been more confident in expressing their political aspirations. Some encouraging signs are: one, increasing membership of Chinese in political parties; two, an increase in the number of political discussions and seminars hosted by Chinese-Indonesian associations with assertive members; and three, informal presidential campaign teams that generated various social activities in different localities.

Each of these activities showed the physical and public presence of Chinese-Indonesians. This presence, at this early stage of democratic consolidation, has been enough to erode the apolitical stigma, and regular media coverage of their presence has helped greatly in drawing a different picture of the Chinese-Indonesian.

Even if it is not yet comprehensive -- at least to the general public -- their political participation has increasingly become evident.

However, this presence is not supported adequately at times by quality substance. In an earlier piece (The Jakarta Post, March 29, 2004), I illustrated some drawbacks -- in particular the participation of youths. Some of these drawbacks still exist, yet improvements have also emerged, as was evident in an event hosted on Aug. 22 by the Chinese-Indonesian Reform Party (PARTI), which showed Chinese-Indonesian youths' increasing participation in politics.

If the event covered in my March piece reflected the Chinese community's mood toward the legislative election -- namely, party-oriented debates -- the August event reflected their mood toward the presidential election. Encouragingly, many legislative candidates who had failed to win a seat were still willing to campaign for presidential candidates.

In the August event, a pro-Megawati team and a pro-Susilo team were engaged in a debate. Due to variety of factors, the Mega-Hasyim team was bigger -- but this may not automatically mean that the Chinese-Indonesian community favors Mega-Hasyim more.

There are issues far more complicated and critical than which candidate Chinese-Indonesians prefer.

The most heated topic raised by youth representatives was the Kalla factor and the possibility of affirmative action for Chinese-Indonesians. This was even more hotly debated than the SBKRI issue. That they are still complaining predominantly about the antidiscrimination and SBKRI issues shows a limited ability to link their arguments to mainstream human rights discourses against all forms of discrimination. Additionally, the debates often slipped into petty arguments over individual style, gestures or word choice.

Beneath the surface of the hot topic of affirmative action is an inherent rejection of all forms and shapes of discrimination. However, most Chinese-Indonesian political figures are either not very eloquent in translating this fundamental issue into their debates and speeches, or are not fully aware of it.

If the first is the case, it is only a matter of experience -- of engaging more in and familiarizing themselves with mainstream issues. If the latter is the case, however, then there is little quality in the greater political participation of Chinese-Indonesians.

Some Chinese-Indonesian may cast their votes this September for the candidate who could ensure no more -- or the least -- discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians and/or who could provide the stability necessary for better economic prospects.

This existing mindset is narrow, but perhaps at this point, this is understandable, given the previous situation and intimidation. Still, this critical lack must be changed.

A greater participation of youths in mainstream political and/or social movements may be the only hope for change.

Fortunately, some of the above-mentioned signs also indicate mainstreaming, in particular among the informal campaign teams -- which were initiated by Chinese-Indonesians and became more diverse in the process. Some even have a structured cooperation between different regions, although they are largely based in Jakarta. Such inter-ethnic engagement brings about positive developments in the quality of current and future political participation.

Many issues remain for the Chinese-Indonesian community to tackle, particularly women's political participation. This, however, does not detract from their readily embracing a greater role in the country's democratization.

Despite the shortcomings, the stereotypical accusations of Chinese-Indonesians being apolitical will soon become invalid as their participation continues to grow. Skepticism that rule their political participation as insignificant because of their small numbers will also soon become invalid. Chinese-Indonesian participation will become one of the determining factors of democratization, precisely because they are a minority.

While the country moves toward greater decentralization and consequently, the increasing relevance of local politics, Chinese-Indonesian participation in areas with a bigger distribution of the minority group will provide worthy examples for national politics.

Democratization is not a monopoly of the majority. Lessons learned from minority participation are vital contributions to the overall democratic engagement.

The writer is a researcher of the Department of Politics and Social Change at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

Iqbal Farabi’s (KONTRAS Aceh) Visit to Canada (2 of 2)

Sept. 18-19, 2004. Iqbal had the chance to enjoy his visit in Toronto. From a walk in the city, practicing drumming with the African drummer, to a sightseeing trip to Niagara Falls. He loved the Falls and couldn’t take his eyes off of the mighty but beautiful Falls. He said that during the days he liked to observe children going to school—it was so peaceful looking at the children who can go to school without having to fear for their lives or their families’ lives. He has two little daughters, “Billy” who is almost 5 years old, and “Joel” who is 1.5 years old. He admitted that Billy Joel is one of his favorite singers. Of course, those are not his girls’ real names. *smile* Wind surfing is one of his favorite pastimes when he needs a rest from the stress of his works. He would go for wind surfing to a remote island off eastern Aceh’s coast. There he said, he doesn’t have to think about the cruel life in Aceh, but can immediately immerse into the beauty and peace of nature… and there he has only to worry about how to get safely from the ocean to the land. *smile*

Sept. 20, 2004. Iqbal had the chance to meet YCAR (York Centre for Asian Research), among others Judith Nagata and Peter Vandergeest. Unfortunately because of time constraint there was not enough time to promote this program. But, Iqbal told me that the meeting went well and that Judith will ask her network in Penang to help Aceh refugees there.

Sept. 21, 2004. KAIROS and Iqbal had their time together to pondering on what they can do to the betterment of civil society in Aceh. It would be his last program and last day in Toronto. So, Nancy planned a get together to have a good time with him. Nancy told me to inform Eric Li (CCEVI) about this gathering because Eric conveyed his interest to meet Iqbal before he returned to Indonesia.

Then, that night, we had a warm informal dinner in a Thai Restaurant downtown. We joked around with him… I asked whether he had tried Canadian beer. *smile* Of course he had! He told us that he had a palm tree on the back of his mother’s house in North Sumatera. People take the juice out of the fruit and leave it for three days. And, on the third day you can drink it… and oh, it’s so heavenly a drink. That’s what he said. *smile*

You may think that the people of Aceh never drink alcoholic drinks. You’re wrong! Nancy told us Judith’s (Nagata) experience when she invited a number of people from Aceh to her house. She restrained herself from offering alcoholic drink to her guests. However, after they finished their dinner, the guests kept looking at her “alcoholic display.” Probably after a one or two agonizing minute the guests asked to try those drinks on display. Well, you can imagine what happened afterwards. *smile*

I believe Iqbal really likes Thai food… he ate his dinner with his hand, like most of Indonesians do when they really want to enjoy the meal :) There I met another “me”, I mean her name is the same as mine but with “z”. *smile* Elizabeth Sunindyo was another NGO friend and interpreter. She got her last name when she married an Indonesian. I was amazed at how well she can speak in Indonesia. Can you imagine a ‘bule’ blurted out ‘canggih’ and other colloquial words when she engaged Iqbal and I in a conversation? There was also Kien, a volunteer at Refugee Centre who had worked with boat people. Fortunately, Eric and his wife Grace could join us and took several pictures before this small gathering was over. We engaged in a short discussion on how we could assist his struggle in civil empowerment and peaceful transformation in Aceh.

Iqbal had a long flight the next morning, Toronto-SF-Hongkong-Singapore-Penang-Medan-Banda Aceh. He didn’t look tired after a long program in North America. In fact I could say that he enjoyed it. I believe he needs it before he returns to the “civil emergency” life in Aceh. (Note: Many networks of human rights defenders have offered him to continue his Aceh’s struggle from the foreign land. But he refused it, saying that his place is among his people, the Acehnese.) We promised to send him the pictures—and hope that one day the people of Aceh can live a peaceful life. Ah, maybe before that time coming I’ll have the chance to visit him for wind surfing on a remote island by northern or eastern Aceh’s coastline. *smile*

Iqbal Farabi’s (KONTRAS Aceh) Visit to Canada (1 of 2)

Wednesday, September 22, 2004 – morning – Iqbal Farabi of KONTRAS (Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence) Aceh resumed his 4-week North America visit. It began about a month ago when Iqbal and five of his fellow human rights defenders and journalists from Indonesia had the chance to visit the US for a program sponsored by USAid. When Nancy Slamet from KAIROS (Canadian Ecumenical Justice Initiatives) knew about it, then she planned and organized a program for Iqbal while he’s in Canada. Thus, after a-day long Indonesia Advocacy Group Meeting in Ottawa last August, Nancy invited all NGOs that have had concern about Indonesia and Indonesia’s observers to participate in this program.

What you are about to read are Iqbal’s program in Canada and my experience with him in Toronto.

Sept. 11-14, 2004 – Montreal. Rais Richard Zaidi of PBI (Peace Brigades International) hosted him while he’s in Montreal. Iqbal had the chance to present current Aceh situation to a number of NGOs in Montreal, such as Alternatives, Canadian Human Rights Foundation, PBI, Peace & Development, Rights & Democracy, Indonesian students at McGill, and KAIROS’ network.

Sept. 15-16, 2004 – Ottawa. Aside from reporting on the present situation in Aceh to Ottawa based NGOs, Iqbal also had the chance to present it to the Foreign Affairs Canada. I was aware that all his meetings and presentations went well.

Sept. 17-22, 2004 – Toronto. Representing CCEVI in the Sept. 17’s brown-bag meeting organized by KAIROS, I helped KAIROS to be Iqbal’s interpreter during his presentation. I arrived at KAIROS about an hour prior to the meeting because I’d like to chat with Iqbal and know him more before the presentation. It was the first time I met Iqbal. He’s a kind man, dark and skinny, with a left-pierced ear, and good sense of humor. He told me that this was his first time traveling outside the country and that it had forced him to speak in English. Soon, Iqbal, Nancy and I were immersed in a discussion to make this presentation to have more impact.

There were about 25 people present in this presentation/discussion. Mostly came from churches’ networks in Canada (Anglican Church, World Vision, Christian Reformed World Relief Committee, etc.). Iskandar Saher of CRWRC (Christian Reformed World Relief Committee) was also present to support Iqbal. Nancy gave a brief introduction about this event, and then she asked all who were present to give a brief info about themselves and their organizations. Soon after, Iqbal started his presentation.

He began by telling us the background of Aceh prior to the colonial time up until now. I provided you with the links to read a brief history of Aceh including its human rights history.


For complete history of Aceh and its struggle please see the following links:

• The History of Aceh by Jakarta Post


• A Brief Human Rights History of Aceh by Amnesty International
  
• A Brief History of Aceh by Estafeta

Prior to Dutch colonial time, Aceh enjoyed its prosperity. We know that under Sultan Iskandar Muda’s leadership, Aceh reached its golden era. During this time Aceh controlled trade in the Malacca straits. Because of his success in expanding Aceh, Sultan Iskandar Muda was often referred to as the Alexander the Great of the East. There was no strong leadership after the short ruling of his successor. It marked the declining of Aceh’s golden era. The Dutch declared Aceh War in 1873—2 years after the Dutch colonial signed the Sumatera Treaty with the British colonial. It became the longest war ever fought by the Dutch and claiming more than 10,000 lives. A long struggle to gain independence from the Dutch invader stretched from then until 1945. Aceh was one of the provinces in Indonesia that gave both moral and financial support to the newly independent Indonesia.

There are many milestones in Aceh’s history but Iqbal kept highlighting four of them: 1950, 1976, 1998, and 2003.

1950. The council of ministers of the Federal Republic of Indonesia decided to divide Indonesia into 10 provinces, including the province of North Sumatra, which included Aceh. The council of ministers disregarded the previous decree signed by Sjafrudin Prawiranegara on the establishment of the Aceh province. Iqbal said that Acehnese are very proud people and that this decision had blistered their pride. They could not tolerate the inclusion of Aceh into North Sumatera. And, soon Aceh was shaken by conflicts. Soekarno—Indonesia’s first President—gave the “special territory” status to Aceh in 1959 to address this issue. The central government thought that the “special territory” status would help bring Aceh into the Indonesia mainstream. Iqbal told us that this special status provided a short relief to the conflict but did not mend the gap between decree and reality. Aceh did not enjoy fair economic gains from its abundant natural resources. This dissatisfaction became the hot seedbed for some Acehnese to build an independent Islamic state.

1976. On Dec. 4, 1976, Teungku Hasan M. di Tiro founded the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Indonesia’s second president, Soeharto, responded harshly to this movement. He also put Aceh under DOM (Military Operation Zone) for 10 years, beginning in 1989. Iqbal said that massive human rights violations by military and police personnel occurred during this 10-year period. People lived in terror, and extra judicial executions, arbitrary arrests, deaths, disappearances, torture, and rapes became the rhythm of their lives.

1998. DOM ended when Soeharto fell from power in 1998. But the misery of the civilians—who became the victims of violence—in Aceh had not ended that time. President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), Indonesia’s fourth president—pursued a softer approach to address this issue. He traveled around Aceh to search for people’s aspiration. Iqbal stressed that this initiative paved the way into a signed accord under which both parties agreed to halt offensive operations to allow the distribution of humanitarian aid and prepare the ground for further negotiations on ending the conflict. It was known as the Joint Understanding on Humanitarian Pause for Aceh and it came into force on June 2, 2000. The extension of this accord bore its fruit. On the 9th of December 2002, the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) was signed between representatives of the Government of Indonesia and GAM in Geneva, Switzerland. The agreement was intended as the first step towards negotiating a political resolution to the 26-year-old conflict. Although always fragile, the CoHA did bring about a significant reduction of violence in the province and for a period of a few months the numbers of reported human rights violations dropped. Iqbal also said that referendum in East Timor also inspired the people of Aceh to ask for one. However, lack of clarity and political will had only exacerbated people’s long dissatisfaction towards the central government.

2003. The fear of losing Aceh, after East Timor independence, and the effort to curb violence made Megawati—Indonesia’s fifth president—declared martial law in Aceh. Iqbal proceeded his presentation to the one-year evaluation of martial law in Aceh.

When martial law was imposed on Aceh (May 19, 2003), the government sent 35,000 troops to Aceh. GAM rebels were estimated at 3,000 people. According to KONTRAS’ record, there were 915 civilian victims of violence during one-year martial law in Aceh.

Following are the list of types of violations:

• Civil and political rights violations: involuntary disappearances, torture, arbitrary arrests, extra judicial killings, summary killings, violence during general election, violence against human rights defenders, threat to freedom of expression.


• Economy, social and culture rights violations: paralyzed transportation, incapacitated source of livelihood, and violence towards internal displaced people.


• Children rights violations: to have a safe life and development, education.


• Women rights violations: rapes, involuntary disappearances, sexual violence/torture, sexual harassments, extra judicial killings, and arbitrary arrests.

I will post his evaluation report once it gets translated. There are several facts that I won’t disclose in this report on fear for his life. He lost his friend Jafar Siddik Hamzah, one of Aceh’s human rights defender. Jafar Siddik was the coordinator of IFA (International Forum on Aceh) in the US. He was reported missing in August 2000 when he visited Indonesia. He was last seen in the North Sumatra capital of Medan, but efforts to locate him had been fruitless until couple weeks later when one of five decaying bodies found in the Tanah Karo region was identified as that of Jafar. Tanah Karo is some 80 kilometers north of Medan. Jafar was the one who initiated to investigate the complicity of ExxonMobil (Exxon and Mobil Oil) in government repression in Aceh.

Aceh is very rich in oil and gas. Many big oil companies had vied for this oil and gas resources. Mobil Oil was granted to exploit and operate the oil and gas there. Although ExxonMobil claims that it has fulfilled its corporate’s social responsibility, but many can see the contrast of promise and fact in plain view. It pays the military to protect its luxurious compound. A slight protest or disturbance could drive the military in the compound to harass the local people. Its promise to develop the community around its compound was just an empty promise. ExxonMobil prefers to import staple food, fruits and vegetable from Singapore than shop in the traditional markets around its compound. For holiday people from ExxonMobil prefer to have a trip outside Aceh. And, Acehneses are bitter about this unfair condition.

I am aware that nowadays many NGOs speak on the harsh reality of economic greed of multinational corporations. In many parts of the world big multinational corporations can gain huge profits by engaging the current power in government at the expense of the poor and uneducated locals. And it is true in the case of Aceh.

Other harsh reality is that corruption is still rampant in Aceh. It has become a widespread disease—including local government, local members of parliament, and ‘ulama’ (Moslem clerics). That’s why, Iqbal said, it’s hard to expect ‘ulama’, especially elite ‘ulama’, to become the facilitator or mediator towards reconciliation in Aceh.

During martial law, no media and foreign NGOs were allowed to reside in Aceh. The military control the media center and all news had to pass military approval before they got posted. Many other hot issues on national or international level have subdued the media coverage of Aceh’s struggle. It’s hard to maintain Aceh’s issue on main page when many people have the opinion that Aceh people only want to fight for independence.

Despite threats, KONTRAS is still operating in Aceh. Before martial law KONTRAS had about a hundred volunteers. But, now only 30 remain to continue volunteering work in gathering data and advocating victims of violence in Aceh. Most of their campaigns are held in Jakarta now. That’s why KONTRAS in Jakarta has received many threats and ruthless protests. KONTRAS also has human rights representatives in Penang and the UK. Iqbal also told us that all his volunteers in Aceh are women. It was quite a surprise to most of the audience, because they thought a strict Moslem territory would never allow women to go outside their homes much else to do this kind of volunteering works. Iqbal responded that women were freer than men to move from one place to the other in Aceh.

All of us were listening attentively to his presentation. At the end of his presentation those present were involved in a lively discussion.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (14 of 14)

In Defense of the Ill-fated

A people's lawyer by choice (in spite of the poor salary), she refuses to be called a fighter for basic human rights.

Like a leech, the horrible memory sticks to Ester Indahyani Jusuf's mind. She had been married only three months when Jakarta was ravaged by riots in May 1998. In her sleep, she was haunted by nightmares about what an eyewitness from North Jakarta had told her: "A long-haired man set fire to a tire shop. The sky turned black and the flames spread everywhere. Two people were locked in the building by the long-haired man. Their bodies were scorched." Ester felt depressed, knowing that the two unlucky people were Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent.

The May tragedy of six years ago triggered a new awareness for Ester. Born with the name Sim Ai Ling, she hated the perpetual policy of discrimination prevailing when the New Order regime was in power. But she also chided the reticence of the Chinese. To Ester, the root of the problem lies within. "The tendency of seeing the ethnic [Chinese] as being far superior must be abolished," she said. Ester has acted on her own words by embarking on a difficult road: unraveling history.

Ester was born in Malang, East Java, 33 years ago. A simple girl of Chinese descent, she was fortunate in that she had parents who were forward-looking. Her father, Immanuel Jusuf, was a teacher, her mother, Maria Tjandra, an ex-teacher. Since her childhood, this hoakiau (overseas Chinese) family was constantly on the move before ultimately settling down in Jakarta. Little Ester got along nicely with the neighbors when the family lived at Condet. "I even attended an Islamic kindergarten there," she recalled.

Upon graduation from the University of Indonesia School of Law, Ester entered the legal world. However, although she had the chance, she did not choose the road of the professional lawyer. Instead, she joined the Social and Political Rights Division of the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH). This was in line with the message that her father had handed down to her: she should work for the defense of the poor. Being a "people's lawyer" was a new experience for Ester. Previously, she engaged only in church activities. "My father used to say I was too much of a church bench eater," she recalled laughingly.

Work at LBH did not pay much. One afternoon, she had only a few hundred rupiah left. She had not eaten all day and did not have money left for transport home. When the day started to fade out, she prayed that somehow she could have a meal and go home. "Lo, I ran into Mas Teten Masduki (now chairman of Indonesia Corruption Watch-Ed.). He invited me to have dinner with him," she said. She was saved from starvation that day. To top her luck, the driver of the city transport vehicle she was riding home with was so happy about his exceedingly good earnings that day that he allowed her to travel without paying.

While working at LBH, Esther discovered corrupt practices at the court. She also repeatedly had occasion to rub against the powers that be. For instance, when she was legal counsel for the People's Democratic Party (PRD), who were charged with masterminding the July 27, 1996 riots. "She is serious and highly dedicated," observed Surya Tjandra, her colleague at Jakarta LBH. In Surya's eyes, Ester was one of the most vocal among the young lawyers during that difficult time.

After her marriage to Arnold Franciscus Purba, a student activist of the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB), Ester's struggle became even more focused. Arnold, who was affectionately called Ucok, was a "hard-line" activist. He was jailed for protesting a visit by Home Affairs Minister Rudini to the ITB campus in 1989. "Ucok has always given me inspiration," Ester said. Her husband died three years ago of a liver ailment, leaving her with their two sons.

Together with Ucok, Ester initiated the establishment of the Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa (Solidarity of Land and Nation), an institution that came into being shortly after the May 1998 riots. It fights racist policy practices, among other things by unraveling the May 1998 riots and defending the victims. The institution's activities have earned it various awards, including one from the Human Rights Forum, the Yap Thiam Hien Award, and one from the Asoka International Foundation. "But don't write that I am a human rights fighter," Ester said.

Life as a widow with two children to take care of does not dampen Ester's spirit. Just of late, she made a daring move by taking up the issue of the 1965 political tragedy. Millions of communists and Sukarno followers perished in that bloody stage of history. Two years ago, as part of a national reconciliation effort, Ester took part in the digging up of mass graves of former Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) members in Wonosobo, Central Java, and Blitar, East Java.

From the scattered bones, Ester seems to have deduced the crux of the problem. Said she: "The anti-discrimination resistance came to a complete halt in the aftermath of 1965."

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (13 of 14)

Champion of Sundanese Arts
For Tan De Seng art is an obligation.

With his aging fingers, Mohammad Deseng, alias Tan De Seng, teases out the suling (traditional bamboo flute) piece Surupan 62. Behind him, the slender curving fingers of Fitri Juliani Cintania-his daughter and second child-plucks the strings of the kecapi (traditional stringed instrument). All of a sudden, the sweet tunes of Raja Mantri can be heard, with an almost otherworldly serenity.

Deseng, 60, is like a champion in the cause of Sundanese art. At the end of 2002, along with his friends, Liang Tze Hai and Ibu Lim Chay Hin, he founded traditional arts-training center Padepokan Pasundan Asih. They work on various things: dance, music, group vocals and even theater. In Deseng's rented house in Jalan Malabar, Bandung, which serves as the headquarters of the establishment, there are a collection of various musical instruments such as flute, kecapi, and drum.

What could possibly have pushed this fifth of Tan Tjin Hong's and Yok Mbok Jie's eight children elect to so diligently champion the cause of Sundanese art? "I was born in Sunda, and live among the Sundanese," says the father of three. Furthermore, when the final hour is upon him, according to this aki (grandfather) of one, he would like to be laid to rest in Priangan soil. For this reason, "Pushing Sundanese art has become my duty," says the man born in Gang Tamim in the area of Pasar Baru, Bandung.

Deseng began learning the Sundanese traditional flute around the age of 5. His first teacher was Tan De Tjeng, his own older brother, who also coincidently enjoyed the arts. He also had the opportunity to learn with a bricklayer, employed in the renovation of their house. Unfortunately Deseng does not remember his name. This graduate of Tsing Hoa High School in Jalan Champelas, Bandung, subsequently became the student of a number of flute maestros such as Ki Oyok and Mang Suarta.

At 9 years old he began learning to play the kecapi. There is a story about that: at that time his friend Adjat Sudradjat asked him to be taught to play guitar. Deseng had certainly been a formidable guitar player since his early childhood. As it turned out, Adjat's aunt was Etty Handa, a Cianjuran vocalist, who was also quite well-known at that time. Deseng eventually learnt the kecapi from Adjat's family.

Deseng even later visited high level kecapi players such as Ebar Sobari, Mang Ono, Sutarya as well as puppeteer Abah Sunarya. With his penchant for playing guitar, kecapi and suling, along with several friends, he established himself in various cities around West Java. With the guitar, he was active in the groups of Haming Youth, Young Brothers, Palmor, and Marya Musika. For the kecapi-suling, he formed the group Bhakti Siliwangi.

In 1985, after successfully teaching his daughter Fitri Juliani Cintania to play the kecapi, and her younger sister as a vocalist, Deseng formed the group Patanjala. Deseng's wings have gradually spread far and wide, even as far as Japan. His newest group is, of course, the Padepokan Pasundan Asih. With an original cast of only three or four people of Chinese origin, its membership now numbers in the hundreds.

Despite the barongsai (lion dance) being permitted to be performed again, Deseng and his group stay loyal to the kecapi and Cianjuran flute. He is grateful for the reform era, but says "We have to have art and culture belonging to the place where we live and born." Apart from keeping up performances, Deseng has also built a mini-studio for recording.

Hundreds of recorded cassettes are stored neatly. There is jaipong, ketuk tilu, Indian Sundanese, Sundanese kliningan, rampak sekar, gendang pencak, and the like. In principle, it is all in Sundanese. It is not a surprise, therefore, if among Sundanese art lovers, Deseng is often referred to as being more Sundanese than the Sundanese themselves.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (12 of 14)

Schools without Boundaries

Sofyan Tan has cleared a path for integration through the world of education. His concept of `foster parents' is a valuable help in the process.

I used to think that all Chinese were rich!" said Mona, a grade five student in Medan, speaking to TEMPO two weeks ago. Classmate Maggie weighs in, "In the village, my older brother would often be asked for money. I was afraid of them," says this small girl with the slanted eyes, reminiscing.

But that's all in the past now. Since attending school together at the Sultan Iskandar Muda School in the area of Sunggal, Medan, these two girls of Batak and Chinese origin, have come to see that their traditional view of social relationships regarding the Chinese and other ethnic groups-always a thorny point-does not correspond to reality. These days they can play together; there is no feeling of awkwardness or fear. "What's more, is that here we can tease each other," jokes Maggie.

It was Sofyan Tan, a man of Chinese origin, who succeeded in building this togetherness in Sunggal. He was the trailblazer for integration in that school, finally culminating in teachers and students alike of different ethnic origins and religions sitting side by side, from kindergarten right up to secondary school-level. Javanese, Batak, Malays, as well as both Chinese and Tamil descendants have joined together as one and are forming intimate friendships.

Since childhood, Tan, 44, has united with other "indigenous" or local citizens in Sunggal, north of downtown Medan. It was his father, a mere tailor, who repeatedly pushed him to integrate with other ethnic groups as fellow citizens. This "sense of community" experience during childhood proved a great teacher in areas of human character and purpose in the forming of human relationships. "Integration is based on common feeling shared by two sides, rather than just one-sided," he asserts. He also believes that only with mutual respect, trust and common needs, can life go forward in a wholesome way, without negative sentiments of suspicion on both sides creeping in.

This father of four, who has long since aspired to build this integrated school, had already set his activities in motion in 1987, when he was still completing his own studies at the Medical Faculty of the Methodist University in Medan.

Upon graduating, Sofyan had no difficulty deciding not to open his own doctor's practice. Instead, together with his friend Soekirman, he longed to continue his previous project: an integrated school. Since then, in Medan, Sofyan has been known as an integrator between the different ethnic groups. In recognition of his efforts, he was honored in 1990 as the National Young Pioneer of the Year for Social Solidarity by the government, and was awarded the Fellowship Ashoka Award in 1989.

In the dirty township of Sunggal, the Sultan Iskandar Muda School stands united with a settlement comprising several ethnic groups. The school now boasts a main building of four floors, measuring 8,000 square meters. There are 32 classes: nine classes for senior high school, eight for junior high school, 12 for primary school, and three for vocational high school. Behind this building there is a mosque, a church, and a Buddhist temple. In the middle is a plaque, standing between two fruit trees, bearing an inscription symbolizing unity without differentiation between one another.

This school is now host to 1,017 indigenous pupils, as well as 483 students of Chinese and Tamil origins. Because there are also many Chinese pupils among students struggling to afford the cost of education, Sofyan has implemented a foster parent program. Parents of "indigenous" children who can afford to, are obliged to take on a foster child of Chinese descent and vice-versa. "This is one of the methods of integration we employ," says this former chairperson of the North Sumatran Gemabudhi.

The teachers, consisting of 93 locals and 16 of other ethnic origins are no different to the students. They all blend in freely and even mixed marriages also occur. Relationship between student and teacher provides the main role model for ethnic integration and visions of unity. Sofyan has also implemented this within his own family. His younger sibling's spouse is from Java, while his cousin has taken a Sundanese wife.

Sofyan admits that there are still many Chinese families who refuse to send their children to mixed schools for a variety of reasons. There are those who consider it better to send them to a school within a certain community, and those who experience trauma. "My task is to change thought processes of skepticism and stereotyping through this school," he states.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (11 of 14)

Dark-Skinned Lion from the South

Lion dance performances, concerts featuring Chinese traditional musical instruments, and Chinese songs in nasyid, are now quite commonplace.

In the present reformation era, ethnic Chinese Indonesians may evoke immediate association with lion dance performers that can jump high in a flash. The lion dance performer, about 3 meters above the ground, raises the head of the lion and its front legs and all of a sudden changes the rhythm of his movement to pounce on a bundle of vegetables hanging from a pole.

One afternoon in mid-July, the audience watching a lion dance performance at the Jakarta Fairground held its breath. The star performer was a youngster with a Malay face, a very flexible body and a high level of acrobatic skill. What really captivated the audience was the way he allowed his body, head down, to swing in the air like a pendulum as he hooked his left leg at the pole. This movement mesmerized the audience but the lion head he played showed a smile. The mouth of the lion was open and its right eye was ogling in a funny and attractive way.

That was the Lion from the South. The springing movement of the head showed great agility while the body did not move that much as it had to provide a balance from behind. The attraction came to its peak when the lion jumped to gobble an envelope containing some money-usually called lay see. The Lion from the South often appears with its great humor. It swallows envelopes that are tied to a bundle of watercress, which is a gift for the lion. The Lion from the South differs from the Lion from the North, which shows aggressive movement and has a strong instinct to fight. During the Old and the New Order eras, the Lion from the North, played with various aggressive martial arts techniques from northern China, was dominant. The lion dance groups from Ambarawa and Semarang usually have this characteristic.

Outwardly, the Lion from the South is a figure of a lion that has a scaled body and two or four legs. The lion figure is played by dark-skinned youngsters with round eyes and curly hair and, of course, also by young yellow-skinned people with slanted eyes. Oscar Kam Hok Kan, who is of Fujian origin and has been organizing a lion dance troupe since 1975, refers to the presence of indigenous and non-indigenous youngsters in his troupe as the manifestation of the country's motto of "Unity in Diversity." Behind the Jatinegara Market in East Jakarta, Oscar, now in his 60s, organizes and trains some 40 youngsters in his lion dance troupe called Bel Pas (an acronym comprising "bel" from "belakang"-behind-and "pas" from "pasar"-market). This lion dance troupe has strong teamwork and often performs in many events. Its members are from different ethnic groups and have various professional backgrounds, ranging from market hands, kiosk owners, to pupils and university students.

Today the Lion from the South is no longer alone and separated from its surroundings. Sucipto, 57, a martial arts teacher and the owner of Genta Suci, a wushu or Chinese martial arts school that oversees the L'ung Chio Dragon Lion Dance Troupe, for example, has also said that the members of the dragon lion dance troupe are of diverse backgrounds. "Mostly they live around my house," he said. Then he talked about regeneration. His father organized the dragon lion dance troupe and now his son, Herry Siswantoro (Lim Swie Kiong), has been involved in running the troupe since the 1990s.

Every day, in the training ground of this troupe, somewhere in Cimanggis, Depok, West Java, young people aged between 8 and 25 years, are busy doing exercises to ensure that they can easily make their gong wu movement, lift weights and maintain their flexibility. In fact, in an open building measuring 7x20 meters, these young people also practice Chinese martial arts in spaces among iron poles and punch bags. Martial arts are not the main program, though. Basic movements are gradually choreographed in the composition of a lion dance movement. At first they perform on the floor, then on benches and finally on poles. "Performing a lion dance on poles is quite difficult," said Sucipto, née Lim Tiong Giok, a third Dan Kyokushinkai black belt and now seriously learning wushu.

Times have indeed changed and the lion dance performers have now jumped over the fences that protect but at the same time surround them. In Jombang, East Java, lion dance performances more frequently take place than "kuda lumping" show (plait-work horse that men dance into a trance). The lion dance performances are usually held in an open field and in the town square. Three years ago, Jombang, dubbed the town of "santri" (students at Islamic boarding schools) was home to a national lion dance competition.

A lion dance troupe now no longer displays its skills only at Chinese Buddhist temples or Chinese temples. Their performances are no longer a mere traditional rite to ward off evil. The lion dance has slowly merged with the outside world, including the business world. Since 1998, the lion dance has been performed in many other events besides the Chinese Lunar New Year celebration, in malls and plazas. Recently, the figure of the Lion from the South along with the deafening sound of the drum and cymbals also appears in ceremonies marking the opening of an automobile expo, in the inauguration of plazas, during the launch of new products, and of course, in the celebration of Indonesia's Independence Day.

Take, for example, L'ung Chio Dragon Lion Dance Troupe, which is managed by Sucipto and his son. This troupe, which won second place in the 2001 Lion Dance National Championship in Jombang and was named the best troupe in the Jakarta Open Lion Dance Competition in 2001, performs up to twice a month. This troupe is one that receives a lot of orders, and is also quite expensive to hire. One has to pay Rp5 million for a 10-minute performance on 3-meter-tall poles. The troupe has performed in almost every major plaza and mall in Jakarta. Last year, the lucky star of the troupe was indeed shining bright.

"This year we have received fewer orders to perform," said Herry Siswantoro, 28. The reason, he said, is that there are more lion dance troupes today. This means that there are more troupes offering a greater diversity of attractions. But this is a new business and of course, big names do not fade easily. In late August this year, the troupe will perform in a grand religious gathering along with Aa Gym at the headquarters of the elite police force, the Mobile Brigade (Brimob), in Kelapa Dua, Depok, West Java. The troupe will also perform in many other events, including in a number of Chinese temples in Jakarta, a practice that has been going on since the times of the founder of the troupe.

Since Suharto stepped down from power, fragments of Chinese culture, banned during the New Order, have enjoyed a new lease of life. Old troupes, such as art troupes, have been revived. "This revival is manifested with the performances of the lion and dragon dances and Chinese dances," said Harry Tjan Silalahi, a senior researcher at the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. The freedom that ethnic Chinese lost for three decades has now returned.

The portrait of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia reflects the change in Chinese painting, which has now begun to abandon objects in nature such as goldfish, birds or bamboo trees. The freedom of expression has for three years now seeped into the works of Chinese artists on display in Indonesia. Last year, 16 contemporary Chinese artists such as Fang Lijun, Zhang Gong, Yue Mijun, and Shen Xiaothong, displayed their works at the Indonesian National Gallery and Edwin's Gallery in Jakarta.

The reformation means the freedom to import traditional Chinese paintings and instruments. Guzheng, a traditional Chinese stringed instrument with 21 strings, is the most popular instrument now played everywhere. In shape and in terms of the wealth of notes, it is close to a kecapi, a traditional Indonesian stringed instrument. A guzheng produces pentatonic notes (do-re-mi-so-la) and when it is played, it is placed on a table, on the floor, or in the lap of the player. However, this instrument has enjoyed a warm welcome. It is played during the opening of a property expo, the launch of a new product, or even the inauguration of a shopping center.

Guzheng enjoys great popularity, especially after the 12 Girls Band demonstrated the flexibility and the greatness of this instrument in July this year at Hailai Discotheque in Ancol, Jakarta. The pretty girls in this band play traditional Chinese musical instruments, including guzheng. They have formal music education and can demonstrate their skills playing traditional, pop, and even western classical music. A guzheng expert can employ a certain technique to make this instrument produce notes beyond the pentatonic range. Eni Agustian, 28, a guzheng teacher, usually plays the famous Meteor Garden theme song, Yue Liang Dai Biau Wo De Xin, a song now very popular in China, or even Bengawan Solo. Eni learned to play this instrument in Taiwan, Singapore and also in Shanghai Music Conservatory. Today she can see the world, something unimaginable to her before.

At Kawai Music School, where Eni teaches, 42 students-aged between 7 and 60 years-were training their fingers, playing old and new songs. Some of them were ethnic Chinese but others were indigenous Indonesians. Eni Agustian is very enthusiastic about this development, especially because she has 17 special students, who come from Penabur Kindergarten, Jakarta. She said she saw a contrast. In the past, during the New Order era, only a handful of people learned to play guzheng. They were found in major cities like Surabaya, Bandung, Semarang, and Medan, but none of them dared to appear in public because of the ban imposed by the New Order. To learn how to play guzheng is a secret move: moving from one house to another and the teacher hid his or her ability.

The world, however, has changed drastically. Just like the lion dance troupe above, Eni also has a tight schedule: she performs up to five times a month, mostly during the inauguration of shopping centers. "Besides, I also play in the church along with the church band," she added.

Indonesia is indeed changing. You can witness how Bengawan Solo is played on guzheng. Then there is a nasyid (a group singing verses from Al Qur'an) chanting the prophet's salawat or invocation containing verses from Al Qur'an in Chinese music. Even two years ago, Snada, a nasyid group, released an album, Neo Solawat, in which their top salawat is sung in Chinese and with a Chinese music style.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (10 of 14)

Chinese in Their Eyes

With the advent of the reform era, the Chinese in Indonesia have greater freedom. They freely express their culture while actively engaged in political and social programs. But has the discrimination they once experienced ended? How have they associated with indigenous people so far? Below are the views of several leading figures.

M.S. Hidayat
(General Chairman of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce & Industry-Kadin)

"Lessons from May incident"
The mass rioting in May 1998 has given various lessons to ethnic Chinese citizens. My fellow Chinese businessmen have now realized that so far there has been something they need to change. They are aware of the necessity to communicate and associate more with indigenous members of society.

I notice a lot of highly nationalist ethnic Chinese businessmen. They even regret some friends who left Indonesia following the incident and refuse to return home. Several of my own friends, including Christianto Wibisono, chose to reside overseas after the rioting.

The Chinese businessmen sometimes also deplore the legal infringements made by their partners, which also harm their interests. Therefore, they don't hesitate to demand that the government punish their associates.

Don't be mistaken: the Chinese circles themselves are not united. I realized the presence of several business organizations when Kadin needed a chairman for its China committee. There turned out to be four Chinese business and cultural bodies that were never in concord. I told them that we wanted a Chinese committee chief in Kadin, whether an indigenous citizen or Chinese descendant. They agreed and applauded. Finally, Kiki Barki, a mining entrepreneur and engineering graduate of Beijing University, was elected.

I still see some ethnic Chinese with a closed attitude. They should be open to society. I myself never discriminate between ethnic origins. Two of my three secretaries are Chinese and Catholic.


Dea Ananda
(Artist)

"Some live exclusively"
I don't see any difference between citizens of Chinese stock and indigenous ones. Everything is OK. Now both groups are equal and can do what they like. They have equal rights. In the world of artists, I notice no difference either. In mingling with people, I don't discriminate Chinese friends from others. Everybody is fine.

But to be frank, I still see ethnic Chinese communities who live exclusively. They are apparently unwilling to associate with indigenous people. I don't know their number because no surveys have yet been conducted. Such an exclusive life is not good, so I hope they can abandon this practice. It's also necessary to prevent a recurrence of the May 1998 mass rioting.

Indonesian society is composite, with diverse ethnic backgrounds and customs. We all should understand this, including the Chinese offspring. They need to be aware of the other indigenous customs in Indonesia. Both sides should respect each other. In this manner, we can live as good neighbors peacefully, without provoking acts that may be mutually harmful.


Eros Djarot
(Cultural Observer & Politician)

"Only political change"
I've witnessed a change in the whole ethnic Chinese community in the last few years. Now the Chinese are free to celebrate the Lunar New Year or speak their language. But I see the change as momentary, only political. We indeed advocate assimilation, but in reality it's still hard to carry out.

In the economic sector, monopoly in trade is undeniably still practiced by Chinese entrepreneurs. This case mostly remains unchanged. I'm sure, though a minority, they also realize their economic domination. It must be changed. There should be an awareness to abandon such disgraceful practices.

We also still hear many businessmen of Chinese descent protesting against the discriminatory treatment they experience, but on the other hand they make the same discrimination. An example is in the selection or treatment of employees.

I believe assimilation will solve the issue. The importance of assimilation should be realized by both sides and the government should play an active part, instead of spoiling it. It has been common knowledge that many officials maintain special connections with Chinese businessmen. They are used to serve economic interests. This is dangerous because negative sentiments toward the Chinese community may arise.


Jusuf Kalla
(Entrepreneur, VP Candidate)

"They should help small enterprises"
After the introduction of reforms, the issue of discrimination against citizens of Chinese stock has been overcome. They have increasing freedom to do what they want and express their culture. This is a major advancement compared with five to 10 years ago. It's because the government has adopted a number of policies previously never announced.

Nonetheless, I hope they will fully help bring about a favorable business climate. I ask them to actively contribute to the elimination of delinquent players or businessmen as well as arrogant entrepreneurs. I indeed hope that delinquent businessmen will be removed. Otherwise, the country will be ruined.

Strong and successful ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs should also provide aid and support for small-scale business groups, regardless of ethnic origins. We have from the beginning been determined not to discriminate against anybody. The most important thing is that we all should create and foster national harmony.


Indra J. Piliang
(Researcher of Center for Strategic & International Studies-CSIS)

"No substantive change yet"
Now I see some progress in the government treatment of ethnic Chinese people. They enjoy greater freedom of movement in society. It's reflected in the buoyant lion dance performances everywhere during the Lunar New Year celebration. Since the rule of President Abdurrahman Wahid, the Confucian belief has been recognized.

However, everything is only political and has not reached government institutions. Just take a look how the ethnic Chinese are still obliged to produce Indonesian citizenship certificates (SBKRI) as they apply for passports. So, in substantive terms there is no change yet. The main job of the government is actually to manifest this political commitment in technical administrative policies.

The rioting in May 1998 indeed has left behind a trauma to the ethnic Chinese community. But the trauma is more felt by the Chinese in Jakarta and Solo. Those outside the two areas are not much affected. Their aspirations? In fact, what the Chinese want is government stability. It's natural because part of this community comprises businessmen.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (9 of 14)

Waking from a Long Sleep

The 'go Mandarin' trend is permeating language courses and radio-and television-broadcasts all over Indonesia.

For 54 years, Sidharta Wirahadi Kusuma's world seems to have spun on the same axis: teaching Mandarin. He has known the language since he was in his mother's arms and practiced writing Chinese characters since he was little. The language led him to obtain a professorship from Huaqiao University in China. The same language made Sidharta decide to be a teacher, nothing else. For the entire 72 years of his life Sidharta has known Mandarin and for 54 years of his life he has taught the language to his students.

In his office in the Mandarin Section of ILP (International Language Program) in Pancoran, South Jakarta, Sidharta introduced a guest to TEMPO last week. The name of the 27-year-old guest was Wang Xin Xin. Coming from Shen Yang, northeastern China, Wang, who had only recently arrived in Indonesia, is a language teacher. Built like a model, Wang Xin Xin who is proficient in "high-level Mandarin" claimed she was ready to work as a volunteer to teach the students at the school. "Ni hao, how are you?" she greeted TEMPO in a melodious tone.

Wang's arrival must be credited to the openness which has been overwhelming Indonesia since reforms started in 1998. President Habibie woke up the dormant Mandarin language in 1999, asleep for three decades. His replacement, President Abdurrahman Wahid, was even more generous. He cast out all bans shackling Chinese customs, culture, and language. Want to perform barongsai, go ahead. Want to go to the temple every day, no one will stop you. Want to learn Mandarin until you're proficient, please do.

Consequently, within the past five years, the number of people interested in the language has mushroomed tremendously. In Sidharta's calculations-he is Deputy Head of the Guidance Council of the Coordinating Body in Mandarin Language Education in Jakarta-the number of Mandarin-language schools in Jakarta, which was countable before 1998, has soared to 145. "Before the reform era, people who learned Mandarin numbered in the 200,000s all over Indonesia. Today, there are at least more than 3 million," he explained.

In Bandung, there are even dozens of Mandarin schools-one of them is located in the Pusat Dakwah Islam near the Gedung Sate building. In Surabaya, the head of the Jawa Pos media group, Dahlan Iskan, is one of the pioneers in a similar school in Graha Sena. Don't misunderstand. Those who like learning this language are not merely retirees who are filling their time or employees who are required to by their companies. Why don't you come at least once to the Mandarin Section at ILP Pancoran?

In a 4x6-meter classroom, a group of teens came clattering in one afternoon. Of the 13 teens, only one looked amoy (like a typical Chinese girl). Even then, she looked half "neneng," in other words, a mix of Chinese and Sundanese. The rest was indigenous. They truly looked the "it" girls: hipster pants, tank tops, or tight jeans combined with loose jackets. There was a teenaged boy who had bleached his hair reddish blond and wore an earring-far from one's idea of a bookworm.

In one corner, a young girl wearing a jilbab was devoutly learning the Mandarin consonants which according to her were "incredibly difficult." Beside her, a very young girl was trying to pronounce "zh," "sh," and "s," whose sounds are different only in "degrees of hisses."

Meanwhile, at the front of the class, lao tse or Teacher Lydia had just started the pronunciation session. "Bian bie xialie yinjie (pay attention to the difference in syllables-Ed.). She then patiently guided the entire class: "Repeat it, see how lao tse does it. The teeth are closed to the edge, the tongue behind the teeth, and say zheeeeee." All students resolutely copied her. A female student shook her head, thumping her forehead in frustration. "My goodness, so difficult," she said dejectedly. Well, what's the point of learning if it only gives you a headache? "To be part of the 'in' crowd. You know, so that we're not too stupid," cheerfully said Melina, a female student, to this weekly's reporter.

Far more than merely for "social interaction," the language has rapidly mushroomed from the classroom to the mass media, opening opportunities for information and business-especially in service industries such as tourism and hotels. Every morning and night, Metro Xin Wen appears on Metro TV for half an hour. This is the first television broadcast using Mandarin in Indonesia. The editor in chief of Metro TV, Don Bosco Salamun, admitted that the program did not really have many ads, but it has a specific audience target: those who understand Mandarin-in Don's calculations, there are approximately 6.3 million people. True, not a huge number, "But, among them are influential people in this country," he said. Once again, it is about business, or to be more specific, business players.

Unlike TV programs which can only be found on Metro TV, the Mandarin menu seems more popular on the radio. In Surabaya, there is the Mahasiswa Turut Bekerja (MTB) radio, 102.7 FM, belonging to businessman Nasion Said Marcos. Since four years ago, the radio has been broadcasting for four hours a day. Around more than 200,000 people of Chinese descent can also listen to similar programs through Merdeka FM, El Viktor, and Global FM radio stations.

Now, let's go to Bandung. There those who enjoy Mandarin are even more spoiled. Bandung Suara Indah (BSI) radio also known as Mei Sheng radio, presents all its programs in Mandarin. On air for 18 hours a day with 42 announcers, they only air Indonesian-language material in advertisements.

Mei Sheng Director, Rizal Daja Sumardi, said that the radio started with the policy of President Abdurrahman Wahid who opened the tap to those of Chinese descent to express themselves.

"We then felt that we wanted to work in the market of listeners of Chinese descent," he said. At first, the Mei Sheng programs were condemned, especially by those of the same ethnic group. They reasoned that it would trigger riots. "If there's unrest in Bandung, it must be caused by BSI," Rizal mimicked his critics.

But instead of creating unrest, the natives of Bandung were very supportive. They asked for certain songs and often joined in off-air programs at Mei Sheng. The trend to 'go Mandarin,' according to Sidharta, can also create new opportunities in the services industry. Approximately 25 million Chinese tourists go abroad every year, 7 million of them stop by in Thailand. What about Indonesia? "A mere 50,000. They say they feel illiterate coming here," he said.

The "illiteracy" issue was also experienced by Sidharta's parents, who set foot in Indonesia a generation ago. Born 72 years ago, Sidharta was named Xu Jing Neng, which means "respecting smart people." And this is Sidharta's belief: "Smartness comes from knowledge, and language is the vocabulary from which various knowledge comes."

It was to avoid this "illiteracy and cultural illiteracy" that his parents put him through an educational system that was nationalistic since he was small, namely at Taman Madya, Perguruan Taman Siswa. In addition, he also went to Tiong Hwa Hwee Kwan (THHK), an educational institution using Chinese as the lingua franca. Consequently, he has been honing his Mandarin proficiency since he was a child. "And I started teaching when I was 18 years old," said Sidharta.

The alumni of the Xianman University who contributed to training 2,000 Mandarin teachers in Jakarta has witnessed the glory and gory days of the language in Nusantara. Including during the difficult period, when the language was banned from use in public after the ascension of the New Order. "I am absolutely certain that one day the Mandarin language will rise," said Sidharta. And, "I really want this language to be studied by as many Indonesians who are not ethnic Chinese."

So it was that in 1993, he and several of his colleagues started the Mandarin section at ILP in Jakarta. Originally there were only several students, today they have around 2,000 all over Indonesia.

TEMPO's Special Report: Chinese Indonesians (8 of 14)

Discrimination Still Rampant

Ethnic Chinese Indonesians are still having difficulties over citizenship and ancient beliefs. How are they dealing with it?

Household names like Alan Budikusuma and Susi Susanti apparently do not hold much sway at the immigration office. These first two Indonesians to win an Olympic gold medal (for badminton in Barcelona, 1992) still ran into problems when they tried to get a passport last month. This husband-and-wife couple was chosen by the International Olympic Confederation to carry the torch in the recently opened Olympics in Athens, Greece. This is the first time Indonesians have received such an honor. However, the honor of becoming national ambassadors at the world's largest sporting event did not mean very much at the North Jakarta Immigration Office. The two were still asked to attach Evidence of Indonesian Citizenship Certificates (SBKRI)-an old regulation which the government has already revoked. "I feel slighted. Why is discrimination still going on?" said Susi, the 34-year-old from Tasikmalaya. "I am an Indonesian, born in Indonesia. Why am I being asked about an SBKRI?" said Susi dejectedly.

Although asked to produce an SBKRI-an identity paper shaped almost exactly like a passport-they were finally able to settle the matter. Fortunately, neither of them was asked for any "grease" so that their passports would be issued in timely fashion. However, not all citizens of Chinese heritage have received such privileged treatment. According to Harry Tjan Silalahi, 70, people of Chinese descent are still extorted by the government. This Assistant Director of the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) says that he has received much information about this extortion. "Ethnic Chinese are still being milked like cows," said Harry.

The experience of Adong Wijaya, 37, is a prime example. This Indonesian of Chinese descent who lives in the Taman Lopang Indah Housing Complex in Serang, Banten, failed to take care of the birth certificate of her 2-month-old child. The problem is, even though she attached the SBKRI letters of her parents, Adong herself does not have an SBKRI. Adong had an argument with civil servants at the Serang Regency Civil Records Office, but to no avail. "Reformasi is worthless. I am still discriminated against," said Adong, who is currently in charge of her local neighborhood committee for Indonesian Independence Day celebrations on August 17.

This kind of discrimination is a leftover from the old political order. Law No. 3/1946 on Indonesian Citizenship clearly defines place of birth (ius soli) as a determining factor regarding Indonesian citizenship. However, in 1955, Chou En-lai, the president of mainland China, decreed that the People's Republic of China would use a citizenship system based on ancestry (ius sanguinis). Chou En-lai claimed all ethnic Chinese around the world as citizens of the People's Republic of China. He even persuaded President Sukarno to make a bilateral agreement regarding people of Chinese ancestry in Indonesia. During the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia and China made a Dual Citizenship agreement for people of Chinese ancestry in Indonesia.

After the fall of Sukarno's Old Order and the rise of the New Order, Suharto altered the direction of Indonesia's foreign policy. Through Law No. 4/1969, Indonesia cancelled the Dual Citizenship agreement with China, after which diplomatic relations came to a complete standstill. It was as if ethnic Chinese were being accorded second-class citizen status. All Indonesian citizens of Chinese ancestry had to make an SBKRI-an official document indicating their new identity as an Indonesian citizen of Chinese heritage.

Today, 35 years later, the SBKRI is still a specter which haunts ethnic Chinese. This is despite the fact that the government has officially removed the requirement for citizens of Chinese ancestry to produce an SBKRI for processing documents of any kind, including passports. Through Presidential Decree No. 56/1996, the government decreed that SBKRIs were no longer valid. In Article 4, clause 2 of the decision it is written, "Indonesian citizens who possess a National Identity Card (KTP), Family Card (KK), or Birth Certificate no longer need an SBKRI."

But some rules were made to be broken, if the reality in the field is any indication. Immigration officials, for instance, always ask for an SBKRI when citizens of Chinese ancestry process or renew their passports. They receive the same treatment over KTPs, birth certificates, and purchasing homes. What does Minister of Justice & Human Rights, Yusril Ihza Mahendra, have to say about these deviant practices? Although he confirmed that the SBKRI is no longer in use, Minister Yusril, who is also a professor of state law at the University of Indonesia, said that officials who ask for the SBKRI are not making a mistake. "They have to clarify their citizenship status," said Yusril.

And so it goes in the field. Immigration officials continue to ask for SBKRI letters from ethnic Chinese citizens. This happens not only to ordinary Chinese citizens, but also to prominent figures such as Harry Tjan Silalahi (former member of the Supreme Advisory Council), Tan Joe Hok (badminton maestro), Hendrawan (badminton player), and Lin Che Wei (financial analyst), all of whom have run afoul of the SBKRI. Two years ago, President Megawati was left speechless after receiving Hendrawan's complaint that he had not yet received an SBKRI. Of course, his case received immediate attention. In a matter of days, this hero from the 2000 Thomas Cup obtained the SBKRI which he had sought for years.

There is another point of controversy besides the SBKRI. After the reformasi movement began in 1998, ethnic Chinese tried to revive Konghucu, or ancestral Chinese beliefs. During the New Order, Indonesian citizens of Chinese ancestry who adhered to Konghucu teachings were forced to select another religion. The government only recognized five official religions: Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Hinduism and Buddhism. What about the Konghucu? "We were forced to become hypocrites," said Budi S. Tanuwibowo, General Chairman of the Indonesian High Council of Konghucu Beliefs (Matakin).

This era of "hypocrisy" has been in effect since 1974. Through Marriage Law No. 1/1974, the state "overlooks" this belief system, as it only recognizes marriages of adherents of the "five official religions." Aside from these five, there is little hope of being able to get married. If couples of other religions insist on holding a wedding, the state will not recognize it. Children from such marriages will not be issued birth certificates, because they are considered illegitimate offspring.

Other government regulations issued afterwards have made things even more difficult for Konghucu adherents. The identity of the Konghucu and other minority faiths has continued to fade. Through the Letter of the Home Minister 477 dated November 18, 1978 regarding the matter of filling in the "religion" slot on KTPs, Konghucu is not listed as an official religion. The letter explicitly mentions the "five official religions" which may appear on a KTP. As a result, ethnic Chinese who adhere to the Konghucu faith are forced to select a religion which is recognized by the state in order to obtain a KTP. In general, the Konghucu community selects Buddhism or Catholicism as the religion on their KTPs.

Matakin is presently endeavoring so that Indonesia officially recognizes the Konghucu faith. They have solid reasoning behind their argument: worldwide, the United Nations has already recognized 14 religions-including Bahai, Sikh, Judaism, and Konghucu. Actually, in Indonesia, President Abdurrahman Wahid issued Presidential Decree No. 6/2000, which recognizes religious minorities.

However, it seems that the Indonesian principle of "if you can make things difficult, why make them easier?" is in effect here. Until now, Konghucu adherents are still unable to declare their religion on their KTPs. The matter of marriage has not been settled either. If two Konghucu adherents marry, most civil records offices are unwilling to process the paperwork. In other words, said Budi S. Tanuwibowo, "The state seems happier if its people live in sin."

There was a glimmer of hope when Abdurrahman Wahid was elected president. In addition to allowing Chinese New Year to be celebrated openly, President Wahid stated that Konghucu could become an official state religion. Recall that this president, known better by the name "Gus Dur," is a world figure who actively works to strengthen interfaith tolerance. Unfortunately, before Konghucu became an official religion, Wahid was taken out of power. Until now, the Megawati Soekarnoputri administration has not followed up on the initiative pioneered by him. Therefore, the Konghucu faith is still not recognized in Indonesia. "Now we have to start the fight all over again," said Budi S. Tanuwibowo.

This Konghucu problem remains on the list of discriminative practices against ethnic Chinese-a list which ought to be getting shorter in this new era.

How Much has Changed?

Although ethnic Chinese Indonesians have begun to play an active role in politics, many still claim that they face discrimination.

The reform era has brought about many changes for Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity. Newspapers are now legally printed in Mandarin script, television programs are broadcast in Mandarin, and traditional Chinese cultural displays are frequently performed, such as the barongsai (lion) dance. During the New Order regime, all of these expressions of Chinese culture were strictly prohibited. Now, lion dances are displayed at Chinese New Year, at mall openings, at exhibitions and even during Indonesian Independence Day celebrations.

After 32 years of repression, Indonesia's Chinese people are welcoming this new atmosphere of tolerance and openness. TEMPO conducted a survey over 500 Chinese Indonesians in Jakarta, Medan, Makassar, Solo and Surabaya. The survey results show that although many respondents still believe that this newfound freedom is limited, the majority of respondents (67 percent) are pleased with these developments.

There is now a greater tolerance and expression of Chinese culture in Indonesia. In fact, Chinese Indonesians have even begun to play an active role in politics. Formerly restricted to the business sector, Chinese Indonesians are now becoming actively involved in the nation's political future. The majority of respondents surveyed admitted to voting in both the legislative and presidential elections held this year.

Not only are Chinese Indonesians actively taking part in the political process, some have begun to express open criticism against parties which do not serve their political interests. This was both impossible and unthinkable under the New Order regime.

Survey respondents still felt it unnecessary to form a political party to represent the political goals and ideology of Chinese Indonesian people as a whole. But according to Christianto Wibisono, this merely proves that Chinese Indonesian people are not purely homogenous, so it would be impossible to merge their ideologies into a homogenous party.

Nevertheless, the majority of survey respondents said that the reformation era has not succeeded in eliminating discrimination against Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity, particularly bureaucratic discrimination. Most respondents said that they were still asked to pay more than other people for administrative procedures. And many said that they were still asked to show their nationality cards (which specifically distinguish Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity) when applying for passports and handling other administrative procedures, although this practice was officially revoked by the Director General of Immigration on April 14, 2004. Even national badminton champions, Susi Susanti and Alan Budikusuma, who represented Indonesia at international tournaments, confessed to having trouble applying for passports.

Many respondents said that the cause of discrimination was economic jealousy and limited interaction between Chinese Indonesians and non-Chinese Indonesians.

What is your opinion of the political situation and security in Indonesia after five years of reform? (Only one answer permitted)
Worse: 21%
The same: 57%
Better: 23%

Did you vote in the elections? (Only one answer permitted)
Yes (in one of the elections-legislative or presidential): 21%
Yes (in both the legislative and presidential elections): 69%
No: 10%

Do the existing political parties represent your interests? (Only one answer permitted)
Yes, they represent my interests: 36%
No, they don't represent my interests: 35%
A fraction of my interests are represented: 30%

Do you think that a special political party should be formed to represent Chinese Indonesians? (Only one answer permitted)
Yes: 35%
No: 65%

Do you think that incidents like the 1998 May riots can occur again? (Only one answer permitted)
Yes: 30%
No: 35%
Unsure: 35%

What would you do if similar riots occurred? (open-ended)
Migrate abroad: 8%
Temporarily move abroad: 11%
Move to another region of Indonesia: 11%
Migrate to another region of Indonesia: 19%
Stay at home: 59%

As an Indonesian of Chinese ethnicity, in what way do you feel discriminated against, compared to other non-Chinese Indonesians? (open-ended)
We are asked to pay more money for administrative procedures: 72%
We are bullied into giving money to gang members (preman): 12%
We are extorted by military officers: 10%
We are targeted by government institutions: 9%
It is easier for us to find work in certain sectors: 20%
We face discrimination in terms of social circles: 1%
Our administrative procedures are delayed and postponed: 2%
Our educational costs are unsure: 9%

Are there still restrictions for Chinese Indonesians in the following matters? (Only one answer permitted)
Becoming a public servant
Yes: 61%
No: 21%
Unsure: 18%

Enrolling in a state university
Yes: 18%
No: 70%
Unsure: 12%

Becoming a police officer or military officer
Yes: 59%
No: 18%
Unsure: 23%

Becoming a minister
Yes: 41%
No: 41%
Unsure: 18%

In your opinion, what are the causes of discrimination against Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity? (open-ended)
Socio-economic jealousy: 73%
Limited interaction between Chinese Indonesians and 'native Indonesians': 46%
Illegal acts carried out by Chinese conglomerates: 10%
News broadcasts and media portrayals which obstruct social interaction and mixing: 16%
Unsure: 1%

To what extent do you interact with other Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity? (open-ended)
Many of my close friends are also Chinese Indonesian: 78%
I live in an area which is predominately Chinese Indonesian: 41%
I speak a Chinese dialect at home: 42%
My work colleagues are predominantly Chinese Indonesian: 41%
I have merged with 'native Indonesians': 1%

Since the reform era, Mandarin text is now openly displayed, traditional Chinese cultural displays (such as the barongsai dance) are now frequently performed. Are these developments sufficient? (one answer)
Things are still developing, there needs to be more freedom: 29%
These developments are sufficient: 67%
Too much: 3%
Must be restrained: 2%

Survey Methodology:
This survey was carried out by TEMPO in cooperation with Insight covering over 500 respondents in Jakarta, Medan, Makassar, Solo and Surabaya. The selection process for respondents was conducted using a Kish Grid. The interviews took place in person at the homes of survey respondents.