Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (23 of 40)

May monument won't wipe away grief, pains of riot victims
By Ati Nurbaiti (a staff writer at The Jakarta Post), Jakarta
The Jakarta Post - Opinion (Wednesday, May 19, 2004)

Much thought and energy is put into the design of any monument. Thus, those who planned a structure to mark the May 1998 tragedy went through several discussions, including those with survivors and their families, before deciding on the "Brotherhood Monument" commissioned to the renowned sculptor Nyoman Nuarta.

Yet, somehow the monument's design brings about a sense of sad detachment from the experience of the survivors and their families, and indeed, the mark on the nation itself.

The design portrays two men, supposedly one indigenous and the other of Chinese descent, holding up a big, heavy national symbol of the garuda (eagle) bird bearing the coat of arms of Pancasila state ideology and the slogan, "Unity in diversity".

All is well, everyone's happy now and living in harmony.

But since when was everyone so happy?

In the riots of May 13 to May 14, 1998, violent gangs set shopping centers on fire, killing almost 1,000 people in a number of cities, raping and murdering their own fellow citizens. We know they are all still out there, along with those who masterminded the series of incidents, who remain protected under impunity.

Successive governments have failed to follow up on the recommendations of the official fact-finding team for further investigation. So, while there is a bitter consolation in the team's conclusion: that the riots were likely organized, and thus not likely to happen any day; the fact remains that ordinary men and women are not entirely safe in their homeland, depending on the whim of some evil people.

In May 1998, it was those of Chinese descent who were assaulted. They had no idea why their homes were razed or why they should be gang raped. The urban poor were another group of convenient, disposable "objects" -- like the women victims, they are unseen and unnamed in the "May monument" design. Another time, another place, mindless people, even though a handful, could again be mobilized against any other suitable, innocent and silent target.

The Chinese minority was such an easy, silent target, more so their women apart from the poor who were burnt alive in stores and stigmatized as "looters". But was the May tragedy, which followed the May 12 shooting of students in Jakarta, really a conflict between indigenous Indonesians and Chinese Indonesians?

How could one proclaim that everyone has forgiven and forgotten, when nothing has been done to relieve the grief of hundreds of families who lost their loved ones in building infernos, or the pain of rape victims, some who even got pregnant and refused to undergo abortion for fear of God.

What kind of nation can claim to be civilized when scores of its people are yet to overcome their trauma, in the absence of signs of any investigation let alone a sign of anyone brought to accountability for what they endured?

Although the organizers of the ceremony marking the site of the future monument acknowledged that one victim's story did not represent all of them, the monument design seems to reflect the message of the booklet distributed at the commemoration. It is the message from victim Iwan Firman, who after surviving major burn injuries, had attempted suicide a number of times. He describes how he slowly manages to live in peace with himself -- and it this feeling which seems to have been recklessly generalized into a "forgive and forget" attitude.

Many people could learn from Iwan. But a more broad deliberation on the design might also have revealed other distinctive feelings of citizens who were not as directly affected as Iwan -- such as shame, disbelief and anger at the occurrence of such a sick incident in the heart of the capital, and the fear that it might not be the last. At a discussion last week on the May riots, speakers said that answers were absolutely needed on what really happened and why, and who was responsible.

No wonder President Megawati Soekarnoputri at the May 13 ceremony in downtown Jakarta saw no need to comment on the nagging questions of who should be held accountable, and when, for those dark days. Activist Sandyawan Sumardi immediately accused the President and organizers from the Chinese Indonesian Reform Movement (Parti) of "a systematic attempt at historical amnesia", Kompas daily reported.

Monuments either aim to commemorate, celebrate -- or, indeed, as in many instances of history writing -- to wash away history. Any monument genuinely wanting to serve as a testimony and/or reflection of a national tragedy would involve a lengthy, thoughtful deliberation of a broad scope.

Hence the scores of entries for the belated Vietnam Veterans' Memorial before it was decided to have the names of servicemen and women who died and went missing in action in the Vietnam War engraved along a black granite wall, now on display in Washington DC.

And in Choeung Ek in Cambodia, a big lump forms in your throat at the sight of thousands of skulls, silent witnesses to unbelievable cruelty at the hands of the victims' fellow countrymen -- just like the victims of our horrible May legacy.

The above shrines seem to try to provide a means of contemplation and healing for all those affected, and for others who may find a lesson from the tragedies.

Yet the design of the "May monument" which "celebrates reconciliation" brings to mind the typical attitude of members of the elite, as seen in other cases of the violation of human rights in the country -- just forgive, forget and don't open old wounds that may sting those who can still wield influence and power.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (22 of 40)

No officials apologized for riots
The Jakarta Post (Saturday, May 15, 2004)

The May 1998 riots that led to the downfall of president Soeharto have never been fully investigated, despite reports that thousands of people were killed and dozens of women, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, raped. The Jakarta Post spoke with several residents about the issue.

Dorothy Sinambela, 32, is a mother of two and a member of a non-governmental organization working for social development. She lives in East Jakarta:

The leaders of this nation should clarify what happened during the May 1998 tragedy, because it is maybe the bleakest period in this nation's history. Everyone watched as thousands of people were killed and harassed, but no one took responsibility.

There should be a place or a forum that can serve as a catharsis for everyone who has repressed their anger and pain for the last six years. After all, the tragedy was a collective experience for the nation, not just the victims.

Najya, 27, is a graduate student at a private university in West Jakarta. She lives in Kebayoran Lama, South Jakarta:

I urge the government to take legal action against those who were responsible for security (during the riots).

I have never heard any of those high-ranking officials or officers who were supposed to protect the people apologize for their failure to prevent the rioting, arson and killing of people.

No one can deny that those days of violence will remain in people's minds no matter how hard we try to forget them, especially because the tragedy, ironically, brought us to the era of reform.

If the presidential candidates are smart enough to see what is going on in the nation, they can win by campaigning for an investigation into the bloody tragedy, which would be followed by a reconciliation among the people.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (21 of 40)

Memorial to Commemorate 1998 Riots
By Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Leony Aurora, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Friday, May 14, 2004)

President Megawati Soekarnoputri attended a ceremony on Thursday evening to dedicate the Monumen Persaudaraan (Brotherhood Monument) at the Lindeteves Trade Center, just across from the protected Candranaya Chinese mansion, in West Jakarta.

Megawati said in her speech that the May riots six years ago not only claimed lives but also resulted in hatred and trauma.

"We only recognize Indonesian citizens or foreigners living in the country. So don't refer to yourselves as descendants of particular ethnic groups," she said.

"The Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI) is no longer needed," she added, referring to a document that has been required by Chinese-Indonesians when applying for passports and other documents.

During the ceremony, a 44-year-old victim of the May riots, Iwan Firman, said he had forgiven those who had harmed him. Iwan was left permanently handicapped in the riots.

The construction of the monument was initiated by the Chinese-Indonesian Reform Movement (Parti). The monument was designed by noted sculptor Nyoman Nuarta, famous for his Garuda Wisnu Kencana statue in Jimbaran, Bali.

"The monument is half finished," Nuarta told The Jakarta Post by phone.

The monument depicts two men -- one of Chinese descent and another indigenous -- holding the Garuda state emblem. It symbolizes reconciliation and the will to develop the country together. The monument will be completed within a month.

In the initial plan, the monument was to be erected in the park in front of Kota Railway Station, West Jakarta.

The local administration opposed the plan, arguing that the park would be overcrowded because there was already a fountain and a busway station.

Nuarta said the current location was not ideal as it was not spacious enough.

The May 1998 riots, which led to the downfall of former president Soeharto, have never been fully investigated even though there were reports of thousands of people killed and dozens of women, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, raped.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (20 of 40)

'May Riots: A Heartbreaking Past'
The Jakarta Post (Thursday, May 13, 2004)

Six years ago, thousands of people were killed in systematic riots in Greater Jakarta. With the passage of time, none of the perpetrators, let alone the masterminds, has been taken to court. The Jakarta Post talked to some city residents on the tragedy.

Hendrawan, 31, is a former badminton player who now works for an oil company. He is of Chinese descent and lives in Cibubur, East Jakarta, with his wife and two children:

Frankly, the May riots were a heartbreaking incident. We had been striving to defend the Thomas Cup for the country in Hong Kong, but what did we get in return?

Whenever anything went bad, people tended to blame Chinese-Indonesians. What has happened is already in the past; let it remain a dark moment in our history.

As for the issue of Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificates (SKBRIs), I hoped (1992 Olympic gold medalists) Susi Susanti and Alan Budikusuma would be the last victims. I know how it feels. I thought I'd be the last to experience such discrimination. Let's hope it won't happen again in the future.

Made Ardian, 26, is an activist with a human rights group. He lives in Pejaten Barat, South Jakarta:

I urge families of May 1998 tragedy victims to keep on fighting for their right to truth and justice. The investigation results of a fact-finding team from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) on the tragedy are stuck in the Attorney General's Office (AGO). The office refuses to follow up on the results, as it claims they are inadequate for the prosecution of indicted human rights violations. I suspect political power play is involved in that decision.

With regard to suspicions that some presidential candidates may have been responsible for the human rights violations in the tragedy, I also call on those who care about the victims, the nation and human rights not to elect them.

It will be impossible to complete the investigation of the tragedy if those people gain power. There will be a conflict of interest. Moreover, as one vice presidential candidate is from Komnas HAM, he would be politically compromised.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (19 of 40)

Chronology of May 1998 Tragedy
The Jakarta Post (Thursday, May 13, 2004)

May 12, 1998
12:15 p.m. to 12:30 p.m. Students hold peaceful demonstrations to demand the
resignation of president Soeharto and the improvement of the economy as a result of the monetary crisis in 1997.

12:30 p.m. Students march to the House of Representatives in Senayan.

1:15 p.m. It is decided to discontinue the march to Senayan and instead march to the Mayor's office in West Jakarta.

1:30 p.m. to 4 p.m. The demonstration continues peacefully.

4:30 p.m. to 5 p.m. The students gradually return to campus.

5:05 p.m. An argument develops between students and others posing as Trisakti alumni, who later admit to being intelligence officers.

5:15 p.m. There is the sound of gunfire from the back of the student ranks. Tear gas canisters are thrown into the crowd in the campus, students run into various buildings to seek cover.

5:30 p.m. Between four and six officers wearing Brimob police uniforms fire long-distance shots in the direction of the students in the campus from the flyover.

7 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. Gunfire continues and Trisakti University hold negotiations with the head of the field officers to halt their fire. The force withdraws after four students are killed and several others sustain serious and light injuries.


May 13, 1998
Morning of May 13
Burial and memorial ceremony for the victims of the shooting. Political and community leaders gather at Trisakti campus. Crowds of people arrive and gather outside the campus.

Afternoon of May 13
Riots break out, buildings and shops are looted and burned. It is suspected that those involved in the looting have been provoked by certain parties. The rioting begins in Slipi and spreads to other areas including KH Hasyim Ashari, Roxy, KH Moh. Mansyur and Cengkareng.


May 14, 1998
The violence climaxes, many people are found burned to death in buildings and shops. Chinese-Indonesians are attacked and women raped.


Victims of the May 13 and May 14 riots
288 dead, 101 injured, 92 rape victims

Material Damage
Shops, Banks, Shop-houses, Offices, Houses, Shopping Centers, Warehouses, Gasoline Stations, Cinema Centers, Hotels, Automobile Workshops

Four students die in the Trisakti shooting and are named heroes of the reform movement:

• Elang Mulia Lesmana Faculty of Civil Engineering and Planning, majoring in
  Architecture, 1996
• Hafidin Royan Faculty of Civil Engineering and Planning, majoring in Civil Engineering, 1996
• Heri Hartanto, Faculty of Industrial Technology, Majoring in Mechanical Engineering
• Hendriawan Sie, Faculty of Economics, majoring in Management, 1996

Characteristics of those suspected as provocateurs of the riots:

• Not locals
• Arrived in trucks, mini buses and motorcycles
• Dressed like thugs, in various locations they used high school uniforms
• Appeared to be too old to be high school students
• Appeared muscular and well-trained in conducting arson, rioting and using Molotov cocktails

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (18 of 40)

May 1998 Riot Victims Still Waiting for Justice to Come
By Muninggar Sri Saraswati and Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Thursday, May 13, 2004)

For the last six years, Mey Ling (not her real name) has never missed a prayer, asking God to punish the group of men who gang-raped her on a street in West Jakarta as riots swept the capital in May 1998.

"I am not a saint, I will never forgive those men. I hope they all are condemned to hell. This is the only thing I can do," she told The Jakarta Post during an interview on Monday evening.

She added that she had lost hope of ever seeing the rapists being brought to justice.

Mey Ling, now 28, was a final year student at a private university in West Jakarta when the incident occurred. She was on her way from the campus to her home in the Jembatan Lima area when a number of men stopped the bus she was riding on.

"They shouted, where are Chinese, where are Chinese, and they pulled me and other bus passengers of Chinese descent off. The driver and his assistant tried to stop them but they were outnumbered," she said.

The male Chinese passengers were beaten up by the men, all of whom were wearing black long-sleeved shirts and carrying wooden sticks. About four or five female passengers were gang-raped, Mey Ling recalled.

"What's did I do? I never asked to be borne Chinese. Why did they do that?" she cried.

The interview had to be stopped several times as Mey Ling found herself unable to hold back the tears as she recounted the worst moments of her life.

"I don't care about politics. I don't care who becomes the president or vice president as long as he or she punishes those who did this to me," she said.

Mey Ling failed to finish her studies. Her family is not wealthy enough to emigrate, so now she prefers to stay at home where she feels safe. She now helps her parents, who sell plastic domestic goods.

Since the incident, Mey Ling, who has decided not to marry, says she hates native Indonesians as they remind her of the rapists.

Another victim, Andi Kusuma, said he could only hope the Indonesia people would elect leaders who were capable of maintaining security in the country. But he also hoped the next president would investigate the May riots and bring the perpetrators to justice.

"We don't seek revenge. We only want justice to prevail," said Andi, whose house and computer shop in Glodok were burnt down by a group of unidentified men.

Andi, whose arms were burnt during the incident, said he was lucky that his wife and their two children had not been harmed as they were visiting his parents-in-law in Yogyakarta at the time.

"Frankly speaking, we placed a lot of hope in the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). But, their investigation means nothing without the political will on the part of the government. I was a little bit disappointed when Pak Solahuddin decided to team up with Pak Wiranto," he said.

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) investigated the riots and held a number of military and police officers responsible, including former military commander Gen. (ret) Wiranto.

The Komnas HAM team was led by its deputy chairman Solahuddin Wahid, who eventually stepped down after he decided to pair up with Wiranto for the upcoming presidential election.

Muntaris, 47, and his 41-year-old wife, Nurhayati, will never forget the flames that razed the Yogya Department Store in Klender subdistrict, East Jakarta, on May 13, 1998, an incident that resulted in the death of their eldest son, Achmad Zakir, then 18.

They now prohibit their three remaining children from visiting the shopping center, which is located only around 100 meters away from their home, even though the department store now has a new name -- Central Klender Plaza.

"I've told my children that I'll cut off their legs if they go there," Muntaris told the Post.

On the eve of the riot, Zakir wrote in his diary: "Thank you, heroes of reform. You have gone for good. You dared to sacrifice your lives. My prayers will always be with you. Your names will be remembered forever. I hope your good deeds will be accepted by Allah the Almighty. Amen."

Muntaris recalled that his son had just finished his final exams in his vocational school. He was waiting for graduation day when he lost his life to the flames in the mall, together with hundreds of other people.

"I do not know who was responsible for what happened, but I believe that someone must be punished," said Muntaris, who works as a polisher with a furniture company.

Indeed, six years is not enough to heal the wounds suffered by the victims of the riots and their families. Neither can they forget their individual nightmares, let alone forgive those responsible.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (17 of 40)

Six Years After, May 1998 Tragedy Still Unresolved
By Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Thursday, May 13, 2004)

After six years, three governments and two independent investigations, the May 1998 riots remain unfinished business for the citizens of this nation.

The National Commission on Human Rights has found indications of systematic gross human rights violations in the tragedy, which took place between May 13 and May 15 of that year and recommended an ad hoc human rights trial, but families of the victims have been kept waiting for the perpetrators of the crimes to be brought to justice.

The House of Representatives during the current Megawati Soekarnoputri administration declared the riots just "ordinary crimes".

But, I Ketut Murwati, the director of human rights violations cases at the Attorney General's Office, said his office was waiting for new evidence from the rights body's team tasked with investigating military and police officers for their alleged role in the tragedy.

The 16-member independent team set up by the rights body in March 2003 was not able to get the suspects to respond to multiple summonses, in order to formally recommend that the government set up an ad hoc human rights tribunal in line with Law No. 26/2000 on human rights.

According to the law, all suspects can be summoned by the team if the House proposes the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal which must be endorsed by the government.

Jakarta turned into a giant battle field when riots paralyzed the capital city and many other cities such as Medan, Palembang, Surakarta and Surabaya. Thousands of people vandalized mostly Chinese-Indonesian-owned buildings and looted shopping malls.

More than 1,000 people were killed and more than 60 women and girls, mostly Chinese-Indonesians, were victims of gang rapes and other sexual violence during those three days of bloodshed, arson and turmoil.

The riots were precipitated by the shooting of four Trisakti University students on the afternoon of May 12.

A joint fact-finding team set up by the government alleged that the riots were part of a scenario engineered by former president Soeharto's son-in-law Prabowo Subianto, then the Army's Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) chief and most recently a Golkar Party presidential candidate before he lost the nomination, in his attempt to have martial law declared, which would allow him to take power amidst the national leadership crisis that ended with Soeharto's resignation on May 21.

To this day, no legal action has been taken against Prabowo over his alleged roles in the tragedy, including orders to abduct and "disappear" many prodemocracy activists in 1997 and 1998, and his secret meeting with civilian figures at the Kostrad headquarters when the tension was at its peak on May 14.

Both the government's fact-finding team (TGPF) and the rights body's team are of the same opinion that the riots involved intelligence personnel and that someone had hired the rioters. At the very least, they were grave crimes of omission as some members of the security forces were ordered back to their barracks and the security officials allowed the chaos to continue unabated.

The rights body's investigation team said current Golkar presidential candidate Gen. (ret) Wiranto, then the Indonesian Military (TNI) chief, Prabowo and the Democrats' Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, then the TNI chief of territorial affairs, were three of dozens of military and police officers who were responsible for security at that time.

The team's many questions remain unanswered, particularly as to why Wiranto, Prabowo and many other generals went to Malang, East Java, to attend a Kostrad ceremony, while Susilo met with Muslim intellectual Nurcholish Madjid when the riots were escalating.

Wiranto has said that like the East Timor human rights case, the investigations are merely aimed at discrediting him and sabotaging his presidential bid.

In his book Wiranto's Notes: Witness to the Storm, Wiranto shifts the blame elsewhere for the tragedy, saying he had asked then chief of National Police Gen. Dibyo Widodo, former chief Jakarta Military Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and former City Police chief Insp. Gen. Hamami Nata to take necessary measures to restore security and order, but apparently they did not.

Wiranto has publicly declared that he must be innocent of any wrongdoing in the May tragedy, otherwise Solahuddin Wahid who led the investigation into the case would not have chosen to become his running mate in the upcoming presidential election.

Prabowo, in a book entitled Politik Huru-Hara Mei 1998 (The Politics Behind the May 1998 Riots) written by his close friend Fadli Zon, shifted the responsibility to Wiranto, who he says never answered phone calls on May 14.

Maswadi Rauf, a professor of political science at the University of Indonesia said human rights abuses linked to the military in the past would remain unresolved if either Wiranto or Susilo were to win the presidential election.


Probes into the May 1998 tragedy
Institution Date Findings/Suggestions Govt Response

1. TGPF July-Oct, 1998

• serious crimes [govt reponse: none]
• sexual violence [govt response: none]
• further investigation needed

2. House (DPR) Jan-July 2002

• ordinary crimes
• violators must be tried in court

3. Komnas HAM March-Sept. 2003

• gross human rights [govt response: none]
• establish an ad hoc rights tribunal

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (16 of 40)

Indonesia to amend discriminative law on citizenship
By Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Friday, April 16, 2004)

The government is considering an amendment to Law No. 62/1958 on citizenship that will scrap all regulations that discriminate against Chinese-Indonesian.

Spokesman for the Directorate General of Immigration, Ade Endang Dachlan, said on Thursday there were some articles in the existing law that required Chinese-Indonesians to produce an Indonesian Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI) when applying for immigration documents if there were doubts about their citizenship.

"The requirement was adopted because at the time, there were many (stateless) migrants living in Indonesia. The rules applied not only to Chinese-Indonesians but also to Indian-Indonesians and Arab-Indonesians too," Ade told The Jakarta Post.

He said the regulations were no longer relevant because most ethnic Chinese-Indonesians were born here and possessed birth certificates as Indonesian citizens.

"To ensure an end to the discriminatory policy, the law needs amending," he said. The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights had begun efforts to revoke articles on SBKRI, Ade said.

Chinese-Indonesians have long complained about the discriminatory ruling stipulated in the obsolete law. Discrimination has kept those of Chinese descent from working in the bureaucracy, the military, police or political institutions.

Former president Soeharto also banned the performance of Chinese culture and prohibited the use of Chinese writing, isolating Chinese-Indonesians to the business sector.

It was also Soeharto who issued Presidential Decree No. 56/1996, scrapping many regulations that justified the use of the SBKRI.

But because the law on citizenship remains intact, in practice the discriminatory policy is still in effect. Indonesia's first Olympic gold medalists Alan Budikusuma and Susi Susanti are the latest to complain about the SBKRI, saying immigration officials asked them for their SBKRIs when they were renewing their passports.

Deputy cabinet secretary Erman Radjagukguk said a presidential decree could not annul the citizenship law.

"We will look into how to amend the citizenship law," Erman told the Post.

Ade denied reports immigration offices had asked for the presentation of SBKRIs. Since 2002 the office had circulated a letter announcing the certificate was no longer needed to obtain or renew immigration documents, he said.

"Those who hold identification cards, birth certificates and other official documents that prove their Indonesian citizenship do not need to present an SBKRI."

"Should they experience otherwise, they should file a report to the immigration head office. I promise we will take action against those errant officials," Ade said.

He also called on the Chinese-Indonesians not to use middlemen or a service bureaus when traveling.

"Sometimes immigration officials make deals with these middlemen so they can ask for more money. Please try to go to the immigration office by yourselves to ensure no one will try to extort money from you," Ade said.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (15 of 40)

SKBRI not required by Chinese: Mega
By Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Thursday, April 15, 2004)

President Megawati Soekarnoputri has stepped into the controversy over the plight of Chinese-Indonesians by declaring that they are no longer required to possess an Indonesian Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI).

During a meeting with dozens of Indonesian badminton legends, who are mostly Chinese-Indonesians, Megawati called on all immigration offices across the country on Wednesday to abide by the law.

"There is no obligation for Chinese-Indonesians to obtain an SBKRI if they already have a proper identity card showing that they are Indonesian citizens," Megawati was quoted as saying by the chairman of the Indonesian Badminton Federation (PBSI), Chairul Tandjung.

The meeting was also attended by the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights' director general of immigration, Mochammad Imam Santoso. The director general, however, failed to make any comment.

Chinese-Indonesians have often complained that they are still being asked to produce SBKRIs when applying for passports and other official documents.

Former president Soeharto actually scrapped the SBKRI policy in 1996 through presidential decree No. 6/1996.

In 2000, former president Abdurrahman Wahid went further by scrapping presidential decrees that banned the display of Chinese culture in the country and limited the movement of Chinese-Indonesians. He also revoked a decree of the People's Consultative Assembly on the requirement for SBKRIs.

Citing the absence of ancillary regulations, officials on the ground continue to require Chinese-Indonesians to produce SBKRIs when applying for passports or identification cards (KTP).

Chairul said on Wednesday that President Megawati had instructed the immigration director general to ensure that all immigration offices would not demand SBKRIs as part of the requirements for the issuance of Indonesian passports.

"There is no such thing as indigenous and non-indigenous Indonesians. They (Chinese-Indonesians) are born here and made many contributions to this country. They are all Indonesian citizens," the President stressed.

The SBKRI issue last resurfaced when Indonesia's Olympic gold medalists Alan Budikusuma and Susi Susanti were asked to provide SBKRIs when they applied to renew their passports.

Alan and Susi are to travel to Athens later this year to carry the Olympic torch representing Indonesia.

Another badminton player, Hendrawan, had a similar experience last year, prompting Megawati to intervene.

Many Chinese-Indonesians had hoped, however, that Megawati, who took over the national leadership in 2001, would take resolute action against immigration officers who continued to require SBKRIs.

"What we had been hoping for is that President Megawati would issue a written instruction saying that SBKRIs were no longer required to end this issue once and for all," Alan said on Wednesday.

He expressed the hope that the SBKRI issue would not continue to cause problems, not only for the badminton players but for all Chinese-Indonesians.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (14 of 40)

More Chinese-Indonesians become actively engaged in politics
By Christine Susanna Tjhin, Department of Politics and Social Change, Centre for
Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Monday, March 29, 2004)

"If the world knows about 12 Chinese signs of the zodiac, Chinese-Indonesians know only of two -- the cash cow and black goat," joked Mely G. Tan years ago. The sardonic joke seems to have endured throughout Indonesian history and may be further accentuated in the 2004 elections -- or not.

The post-1999 political climate has been more conducive to greater participation. Increased Chinese-Indonesian participation as legislative (House of Representatives) and Regional Representatives Council (DPD) candidates can clearly be seen -- 172 so far, as noted by The Jakarta Post. Quality, however, is not as apparent.

Last Saturday, Paguyuban Sosial Marga Tionghoa Indonesia (PSMTI) and Forum Masyarakat Tionghoa (FORMAT), two of Indonesia's distinguished Chinese-Indonesian associations, cohosted a "Meet the Chinese-Indonesian candidates" gathering. Three DPD candidates and 12 legislative candidates of Chinese descent from 8 different political parties were given an opportunity to campaign in front of just over 600 PSMTI members/associates.

The enthusiasm seemed very encouraging. The audience was eager to listen, question, clap, yell support and wait, for around seven hours. Candidates were also full of brio in using their allotted time. Except for one person during the first session, who seemed appallingly self-content with his lack-luster answer "We are in the process of discussing it", whenever asked about his party's platform on gender and other matters.

The intense forum, for all its worth and triviality, was an interesting portrait of Chinese-Indonesian political participation, particularly with regard to social associations and political party affiliation.

First, it reconfirms the heterogeneous nature of Chinese-Indonesians. Twelve candidates are spread between eight different parties. When a participant criticized the three DPD candidates for not letting just one candidate run, thereby focusing the Chinese-Indonesian vote, others vehemently rejected this. While one participant regretted that no Chinese-Indonesian political parties had passed the electoral threshold, others did not.

Second, creativity of the candidates has so far been limited to form (style of presentation and facilities) rather than substance (issues or ideas). Ideas presented were mostly uniform, distinguishable only by eloquence, noise level or forcefulness.

Third, in terms of substance, the "ethnic discrimination" theme remained dominant on all platforms. This is not to say that one should drop the antidiscrimination movement. There must be a balance between making rightful demands against discrimination and delivering responsible civil and political obligations. Unless the balance is evident in the eyes of the public, the theme will generate only vague sympathy. It will also become increasingly less empowering for Chinese-Indonesians themselves.

Fourth, gender and youth issues occupy a miniscule place in the agenda, if at all. This may be a consequence of the current patriarchal system within society and/or the Confucianist concept of filial piety. Or was 10 minutes simply not enough to do justice to their vision and mission? Still, much has to be developed.

The overall tone of efforts to overcome the prevalent apolitical situation was pretty optimistic. But was this simply election hubbub or something more significant?

Many people might be curious about how the Chinese-Indonesian vote will be distributed, for reliable polling is well-nigh impossible. Chinese-Indonesians are obviously anxious about where their vote should go. But the more important, yet often overlooked, moment of democratization is actually the period between elections.

Most of the candidates in the forum were baffled when a female participant solemnly asked what they would do if not elected. Had she asked the entire audience what they would do after casting their vote, I wonder what would have happened?

Ideally, as responsible citizens, Chinese-Indonesians should be more involved in social and political participation. This goes beyond party membership or pursuing electoral candidacy. Chinese-Indonesian associations, to a certain extent, can play a critical role in stimulating participation, at least among their members.

Political education may well depend on the creativity of these longer-established associations. What PSMTI, FORMAT and others have done must be given credit, provided that they can maintain their non-exclusive objectives, engage in creative repositioning and apply a facilitative approach to their upcoming activities.

While their membership may be exclusive, their objectives and activities must remain far-reaching. Allegations that these associations are exclusive will automatically be rendered invalid once action proves otherwise. The forum has shown how associations can relate to party members. The associations have created the space for members to engage in dialog with candidates without imposing a collective party preference.

Though no social contracts were signed, the event has produced a moral commitment between members of associations and candidates. What can be pushed further on both actors is creative repositioning from "passive victims" to "proactive contributors". Becoming quasi-watchdogs/moral guardians by scrutinizing and "punishing" rotten Chinese-Indonesian politicians could be an alternative way of supporting the national movement against rotten politicians.

Of course, Chinese Indonesian associations are not the only catalyst for greater participation, but they remain influential. They still have a lot of gaps, for example limited participation by young people and women. Empowerment, unfortunately, does not seem to be on the associations' main agenda thus far. The relevance, sustainability and quality of these associations are pretty much determined by how well they deal with the empowerment of young people and women because both will definitely bring a fresh nuance to the whole endeavor.

Ultimately, cash cows and black goats may soon be replaced by something else: Honorable hares and daring dragons, perhaps?

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (13 of 40)

Chinese newspapers aim to raise political interest
By Laurel Teo
The Straits Times (March 19, 2004)

Jakarta - Once banned, Chinese-language newspapers are making a comeback in Indonesia.

They focus on community issues and help to raise political awareness on the Chinese ground.

Not only do they run advertisements inviting readers to take part in political seminars held by Chinese civil society groups, they also feature ethnic Chinese candidates contesting the election.

The oldest among the papers is the Jakarta-based Harian Indonesia, which has the biggest circulation, at about 14,000 copies a day.

It was the only one allowed during the Suharto era, and was formed in 1966 when all Chinese papers were forced to close down and merge into a bilingual one.

It became a government tool to help older Chinese pick up Bahasa Indonesia.

But since Mr Abdurrahman Wahid became president in 1999 and lifted the ban on the use of Chinese language, three other papers have emerged in the capital.

The Indonesia Shang Bao is run by the Bisnis Indonesia daily's management, while the Universal Daily is backed by Taiwanese funding. The International Daily is affiliated with sister papers in the United States.

There are a couple more in Surabaya (East Java), Medan (Sumatra) and Pontianak (Kalimantan).

Businessman Benny Teng, 72, who helped start the Universal Daily, estimated the total circulation of all the papers at no more than 50,000.

Raising readership numbers was a problem because after three decades of alienation, only a handful among those 50 and older can read Chinese. Another challenge was hiring staff fluent in the language.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (12 of 40)

Chinese Indonesians enter politics
By Laurel Teo
The Straits Times (March 19, 2004)

Once politically subdued, a growing number of ethnic Chinese are now contesting in the upcoming polls

DR A.B. Susanto, 54, runs a management consultancy in Jakarta, and headed the Indonesian Catholic Community from 1998 to 2003.

Last year, the ethnic Chinese, who still advises a number of civil-society groups, put on a new hat.

He joined the Muslim-based National Awakening Party (PKB) and will contest as one of its candidates in the upcoming general election.

Once typecast as avaricious businessmen who care all about money-making and nothing about nation-building, many Chinese in Indonesia, like Dr Susanto, are sloughing off that image, as more and more among them take the plunge into politics.

On April 5, at least 170 will be jostling for positions in the 550-seat national Parliament, as well as the 128-seat new regional representative council.

More are expected to compete at the provincial and regional legislature levels.

Contrast this with the handful who entered the 1999 polls, winning just four seats in the national legislature.

One obvious reason for this new trend is the government's change of heart.

Under former president Suharto, the government curbed any political pursuits by the Chinese, who make up 4 per cent of the nation.

'So even if we wanted to, there was no chance for us to take part,' said businessman Tadjudin Hidajat, 64, another aspiring political candidate.

But since the collapse of Mr Suharto's New Order regime in 1998, the restrictions have been gradually lifted.

Political parties, on their part, are also reeling in more Chinese, not only as rank-and-file members, but also as high-ranking office-bearers, added Mr Alvin Lie, 43, who won a legislature seat in 1999 on the National Mandate Party (PAN) ticket.

The subtext of this: parties now value the political contributions of their Chinese members, instead of treating them as token symbols or deep pockets to finance campaigns.

Regulations aside, the May 1998 anti-Chinese riots, too, played a big part in jolting the community into action, said Mr Hidajat, who described the incident as a 'painful wake-up call'.

With the mushrooming of political forums, often advertised in local papers, awareness is also much greater among the Chinese.

The emergence of more Chinese-language papers, banned in the past, has also given greater platform to the community's issues and political candidates.

That the once-subdued community now daringly lobbies politicians for changes, is another measure of the heightened political ferment, noted PAN's Mr Lie.

Top on the list of burning issues are the discriminatory practices that still linger from the old era.

In 2001, the Chinese-Indonesian Association counted no less than 60 such laws and regulations.

So it comes as no surprise that a sizeable chunk of the community leans towards nationalist parties with inclusive agendas, such as the two giants - the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and Golkar, or smaller ones like the Democratic Party.

But a number have also thrown in their lot with reformist Muslim-based ones such as PAN or PKB - formed in 1998 by Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest Muslim group.

A case in point is Dr Susanto. Courted by a swarm of parties, he was persuaded in the end by the PKB's 'clear terms on inclusiveness and pluralism'.

'I was also touched by how sincere they were,' said Dr Susanto, who highlighted the fact that non-Muslims hold more than 40 of about 250 leadership positions within the party.

That Chinese candidates are campaigning under a colourful spread of political flags, instead of converging under one, is a good sign, said business tycoon Sofjan Wanandi, 63, one of the few Chinese legislators during the New Order.

'This will quicken the assimilation of the Chinese into Indonesian life,' he said, adding that minority Chinese should seize this chance to prove to the majority that they are, indeed, sincere about having a stake in this country.

'Show them we don't just make money and then run away when there's a problem.'

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (11 of 40)

Chinese-Indonesians rising to political stage
By Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Apriadi Gunawan, Jakarta/Medan, North Sumatra
The Jakarta Post (Monday, March 15, 2004)

Scores of Chinese-Indonesians legislative candidates and regional representative council candidates (DPD) will be adding new color to the country's political stage.

Moving forward after 32 years of being deprived of their political rights, candidates of Chinese descent are determined not to miss a chance to participate in politics.

"This is not showing off, but I see the opportunity to fight for this country and for my province in more effective ways," Dr. Sofyan Tan, a DPD candidate from North Sumatra, told The Jakarta Post over the weekend.

"I believe this is the right moment and an opportunity for me to get close to the center of power and make a difference," the doctor said.

Tan's name is familiar among people in Medan, where he established a school for the poor in 1990. Thousands of children from different ethnic and religious backgrounds have studied at the school.

The school -- Sultan Iskandar Muda -- is financed through cross subsidy between wealthy and poor students, with the help of several businessmen and government officials.

For his hard work, Tan has received several awards, such as the Fellow Ashoka for Ethnic Relations and Education from Washington in 1989 and the Wiyata Mandala award for education in 2002 from North Sumatra Governor Rizal T. Nurdin.

Tan is one of the 172 Chinese-Indonesians across the country running for office, either as legislative candidates or for DPD seats. Four of the 38 Jakarta DPD candidates are of Chinese descent.

They are Kadiman Sutedi (Yongki), Anda Hakim, Hannan Soeharto and Eddie Kusuma.

It was former president Abdurrahman Wahid who took the initiative to end discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians and lift the ban against Chinese culture.

In the 1999 general election, only four Chinese-Indonesians won positions at the House of Representatives, including senior politician Kwik Kian Gie.

Another noted candidate in the upcoming elections is AB Susanto, who ranks first on the list of legislative candidates from the National Awakening Party (PKB) for Jakarta.

Susanto, who owns the Jakarta Consulting Group (JCG), has been a PKB member for only two years. Of PKB, he said, "I admire their genuine defense of pluralism."

Despite the new opportunity, noted politician Lieus Sungkarisma, also of Chinese descent, has warned these candidates that they could be used by the parties for funding.

"I am glad that they are willing to take the chance, but they have to remember that parties could be using them only to finance their campaign," Lieus told the Post.

Noted Chinese-Indonesian lawyer Frans Hendra Winarta urged the new politicians to have the courage to defend people of their own race.

"Indeed they should not only defend the interests of Chinese-Indonesians, they also stand up against discrimination against their own people," Frans said.

He said that current prominent figures of Chinese descent were too afraid to fight discrimination against their own race.

"What's the point in having these men close to power if they cannot end the discriminatory regulations, simply because they are afraid that people may consider them as exclusive politicians?" the lawyer said.

Lieus, who founded the Chinese-Indonesian Reform Party (Parti) ahead of the 1999 elections, however, cited the new phenomenon as encouraging. "Hopefully, in the next elections in 2009, we'll have even better Chinese-Indonesian candidates," he added.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (10 of 40)

INDONESIA: Chinese Indonesians Seek Political Representation
Radio Australia (March 3, 2004)
-transcript-

Indonesia goes to the polls in next month, with President Megawati Sukarnoputri expected to retain power. But this time around, the president's campaign is doing little to influence a small group of once-loyal supporters. Chinese Indonesians, who have traditionally shunned politics to focus on business, are now showing a new willingness to get politically active.

Presenter/Interviewer: Marion MacGregor

Speakers: Eddie Lembong, Chairman, the Chinese-Indonesian Association; Arief Budiman, Professor of Indonesian, Melbourne University; Harry Tjan Silalahi.

MacGregor: Most opinion polls are showing Megawati Sukarnoputri and her PDIP party sitting on a comfortable lead. But the daughter of Indonesia's founding father Sukarno could be facing a new challenge, with the possible loss of a small but influential group of traditional supporters. This year, Chinese Indonesians, who comprise about 4 per cent of the country's population, have become actively involved in campaigning for a number of political parties, and several have been nominated as parliamentary candidates. Eddie Lembong is the Chair of the Chinese-Indonesian Association.

Eddie Lembong: We have openly stated...we appeal that Chinese Indonesians will support all the honest and qualified Chinese Indonesian candidates. The last straw breaks the back of the camel. That is to say, we can be very decisive when we participate.

MacGregor: In the past ethnic Chinese in Indonesia have mostly supported parties that have expressed a commitment to outlawing discrimination, which continues to be a serious problem. Resentment over disproportionate wealth among Chinese is still present. In 1998 it led to anti-Chinese riots, killing hundreds of people and prompting thousands to flee to neighbouring countries. Many of those who remained in Indonesia have been reluctant to play an overt role in the country's development. This is why the political mobilisation of Chinese Indonesians is being seen as particularly significant, and especially the formation of ethnic Chinese political parties. The Chinese parties say they want to end isolation and discrimination. But some are wary of race-based politics. Harry Tjan Silalahi is a founder of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, and a former General Secretary of the Catholic Party of Indonesia.

Harry Tjan Silalahi: It depends on how they act if they overdo their participation it will create jealousies. As you know Indonesia are comprised of so many minorities, they envy each other basically, and so if a Chinese grouping as a group, exclusive group comes up faster and richer and so on, it may create unnecessary attractions or envies or jealousy from the other groups, yes.

MacGregor: This year, no Chinese Indonesian party succeeded in attracting the membership required to take part in elections. So Chinese Indonesians will be represented only as candidates for other political parties. And Harry Tjan Silalahi believes, they're better off that way.

Harry Tjan Silalahi: It seems so and they realise that and they did so...so for instance even in PKB, the party of Gus Dur, there are lots of them, so they are very much scattered into these mainstream parties and it is a good sign you know.

MacGregor: Among Chinese Indonesians themselves, there's little agreement over whether to go it alone or opt for assimilation, according to Arief Budiman, Professor of Indonesian at the University of Melbourne.

Arief Budiman: Well there are two views now in Indonesia, and both have strong supporters. One is saying that it's better for the Chinese to come out from the closet and fight as Chinese Indonesians and make a party a Chinese Indonesian party something like that, like what happened in Malaysia. But some people said that in the old days under Sukarno and Suharto, those Chinese parties, under Sukarno there was a Chinese party, and then they worked together closely with the Communist Party, that was in 1965, when the military came to power and destroyed the communist party, the Chinese were also being destroyed by the military. And that's a very bad experience, traumatic as a matter of fact for the Chinese. So many Chinese say don't make a party based on ethnicity, it's better for the Chinese to become Indonesians to be absorbed to the Indonesian community.

MacGregor: While Chinese Indonesians feel they need better political representation, they won't necessarily vote for Chinese candidates who push ethnic issues, says Arief Budiman.

Arief Budiman: I think many Chinese they look at the candidate that fights for democracy and economic development. They don't consider themselves Chinese any more but as Indonesians...so there is no so-called Chinese interests.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (9 of 40)

PDI-P Faction Slams Govt for Racist Policies
By Kurniawan Hari, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Friday, February 27, 2004)

Departing from its usual passivity, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) faction at the House of Representatives criticized the government of President Megawati Soekarnoputri on Thursday for failing to put an end to racial discrimination.

The faction said numerous discriminatory practices, especially against Indonesians of Chinese descent, continued to be committed and condoned by state officials at all levels.

"There is no excuse; the government of Megawati must stop all kinds of discrimination," PDI-P faction member Sukowaluyo Mintorahardjo said.

The criticism comes as the Constitutional Court reinstated the civil rights of former Indonesian Communist Party members earlier this week, which consequently sparked calls for an end to all discriminatory policies against them.

Megawati chairs the PDI-P, which is aiming for majority votes in the April general election for a chance to contest the July presidential election. Megawati is the only presidential candidate put forth by the PDI-P, which has yet to nominate her running mate.

Many parties have been wooing the Chinese-Indonesian electorate, who account for 4 percent of the 216 million-strong population.

Sukowaluyo said many officials had maintained discriminatory practices by requiring Chinese-Indonesians to produce Indonesian citizenship certificates, known as the SBKRI, for all administrative processes.

The practice stems from the now defunct 1978 decree issued by the Minister of Justice that required Chinese-Indonesians to submit their SBKRI when applying for ID cards or passports.

The decree was revoked through a 1996 presidential decree, which also annulled all other discriminatory regulations against Chinese-Indonesians. A presidential instruction was issued in 1998 as operational regulation of the decree.

Article 4 of the 1996 presidential decree says that ID cards, family certificates or birth certificates can be used instead of the SBKRI.

Eight years after the revocation, however, discriminative practices prevail, Sukowaluyo said.

"I believe the discriminative practices are retained for under-the-table money," Sukowaluyo said.

PDI-P legislator Dwi, however, jumped to the defense of Megawati, saying that her government had been doing its best to stop racial discrimination.

"All that we can do is to improve control over discriminatory practices. The government must take punitive measures against those who violate the regulations," she said.

Responding to speculations that the criticism was simply aimed at winning the hearts of Chinese-Indonesians during election year, fellow legislator Didi said his faction had been studying the issue for some time.

"We made the statement today because we needed time to study this issue," he said.

The PDI-P faction also announced its hotline at 5756161 for the public to report any discriminatory practices they experience. They are also welcome to file a report at the faction's office, Room 525 at the House.

The faction also called on other factions to resume discussion of the draft revision of the Citizenship Law, which would provide a strong legal basis to end discrimination.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (8 of 40)

Chinese Indonesians Ready for Elections
By Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Tuesday, February 24, 2004)

Chinese-Indonesians are ready to participate in this year's legislative and presidential elections after the New Order regime shut them out for 32 years, a seminar concluded.

Lee Cho Hui, the chief editor of the International Daily News, said Chinese-Indonesians were not only prepared to vote but also become actively involved in campaigning for certain political parties.

"The political awareness of Chinese-Indonesians has been increasing," he said through an interpreter.

Lee was referring to some Chinese-Indonesians who had been named legislative candidates, either for the House of Representatives (DPR), provincial legislatures (DPRDs) or the Regional Representatives Council (DPD).

The International Daily News is a Jakarta newspaper that compiles news related to Chinese people from around the world.

Lee presented his paper in Chinese before more than 700 participants at a seminar titled Ethnic Chinese and the 2004 elections held by the Chinese-Indonesian Organization (INTI) in Jakarta.

On the sidelines of the seminar, a Chinese-Indonesian participant told his friends proudly of his brother who became a campaign manager of a political party in North Sumatra.

Several other participants discussed the nomination of fellow Chinese-Indonesians in the legislative election.

INTI chairman Eddie Lembong said Chinese-Indonesians, who account for 3 percent to 4 percent of Indonesia's population of 216 million, would play a significant role in the upcoming elections.

"A single vote counts," he said, adding that voters would determine the future of the country.

However, Eddie called on Chinese-Indonesians not to vote along ethnic lines.

"If there are 100 Chinese-Indonesian candidates, should we vote for them? I would say no. We should vote for the people best able to serve the country," he said.

Eddie suggested that the Chinese community take into account party platforms and track records as well candidates' integrity and track records.

"If the Chinese-Indonesian candidate is a crook, don't vote for him," he said.

In his keynote speech, economist-cum-activist Faisal H. Basri said Chinese-Indonesians should vote for parties and legislative/presidential candidates who would fight against discrimination.

"I understand Chinese-Indonesians face state discrimination. You were exploited by political parties during the previous elections. Now, make sure that you vote for the right president who can guarantee to put an end to the SBKRI," he said.

SBKRI is a citizenship document required by Chinese-Indonesians before they can be officially recognized as Indonesian citizens. An SBKRI is needed before many other documents can be processed, including passports, business licenses, credit applications and even applications for university enrollment.

Indonesia banned anything related to Chinese culture in the country following the aborted coup blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party, which then had ties with the Chinese communist party.

Former president Abdurrahman Wahid revoked in 2000 the presidential decree on SBKRI, but the government has until now failed to repeal its operational regulations.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (7 of 40)

Making Chinese New Year a holiday is good step
The Jakarta Post (Saturday, January 24, 2004)

The celebration on Thursday of the Chinese New Year, known here as Imlek, was a peaceful and joyous event. This was the second year the celebration has taken place since the government declared Imlek a national holiday in 2002. However, The Jakarta Post spoke with several people who said Chinese-Indonesians still have some way to go before they are fully accepted here.

Dewi Bastina, 24, works as a reporter at a radio station in Central Jakarta. She is a native Indonesian and lives with her parents in Pondok Kopi, East Jakarta:

It's good to have Imlek celebrated as a national holiday because it could help fight discrimination against the Chinese.

Yet, I cannot help but think that the openly celebrated Imlek is just a formality, as there's still discrimination against the Chinese.

If you are Chinese and you want to get an identity card or a passport, you have to submit an Indonesian citizenship certificate. Native Indonesians don't have to do that.

This huge wall standing between the Chinese and native Indonesians divides them into two different sides, leaving them still prejudiced toward each other.

We need efforts from all layers of society to appreciate other ethnic groups. It's diversity that makes this world wonderful.

Lanny Winata, 35, is Chinese-Indonesian and works as a manager in Central Jakarta. She lives with her parents in Kota, West Jakarta:

Making Imlek a national holiday is a positive step and is somehow a recognition of the existence of Chinese, whereas in the past we were treated like the "stepchildren".

But from my observations, too many political figures are using this occasion as an opportunity to gain support and garner votes from the people. I'm not being negative, but look at how so many party leaders show up on television, trying to earn our sympathy.

I hope that in the future, Imlek will be celebrated more openly but will be less commercialized.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (6 of 40)

Chinese Muslims Celebrate 'Imlek' in Mosque
By Slamet Susanto/Tarko Sudiarno, Yogyakarta
The Jakarta Post - Feature (Saturday, January 24, 2004)

An erroneous perception among the majority of local people in this country over the past several decades, nearly led to an ugly incident as a result of a celebration of Imlek or the Chinese New Year at a mosque.

They were led to believe -- apparently without any independent research -- by hearsay or racism-based propaganda that the Imlek celebration was a religious ritual connected to Confucianism or Buddhism. So as a response last year several groups of Muslim hardliners in the Yogyakarta area strongly opposed the celebration of Imlek in a local mosque and even threatened to break up the celebration of the Chinese New Year.

To enlighten these groups about their incorrect perceptions and to improve ethnic and religious tolerance, the Association of Muslim Chinese-Indonesians (PITI) in Yogyakarta decided to celebrate the New Year at a mosque last year. The Syuhada Mosque in Kotabaru was chosen for this unprecedented event -- at least in Java -- for its historical heritage.

The group chairwoman Lie Sioe Fen explained that the New Year celebration was not a religious ritual, but a tradition of his ancestors in expression of their happiness to welcome the spring. The tradition dates back thousands of years, long before any of the major world religions were propagated in China.

"As Muslims, there is nothing wrong with praying and expressing our gratitude in welcoming the New Year in a mosque," Lie Sioe Fen said.

Former chairman of PITI Yogyakarta during the 1983-2002 period, Budi Satyagraha, who initiated the idea to celebrate Imlek in the mosque, said that in the beginning, the idea created some heated debates, especially from the local Muslim hardliners. Such groups considered Imlek a ritual of a non-Islamic religion and they therefore mistakenly were led to believe it should be forbidden in a mosque. That is when they threatened to break up the celebration.

"Many suggested that I cancel the plan, because it was considered impudent, dangerous and could spark conflicts. But with the desire to preserve ethnic traditions and to create inter-religious tolerance, we went ahead. And Alhamdulillah (praise be to God), it was safe and ran well," Budi, who is also a local councillor, recalled.

He said that on Jan. 30 this year, PITI would again celebrate Imlek at the Syuhada Mosque. It will start with an evening prayer (Isya). Other activities such as an informal discussion, the distribution of traditional Chinese New Year cake made of sticky rice, kue keranjang - similar to the distribution of ketupat (rice wrapped in fist-sized container from plaited young coconut leaves) during Idul Fitri holidays, and the distribution of ang pao, lucky money put in red envelopes, from the elder people to the younger ones.

They will also hold sholat sujud, a prayer to express their gratitude to God for their health and prosperity.

Budi said that the celebration of Imlek in the Syuhada Mosque this year would be a bit different from last year. Last year, because it was the first time, there were no Chinese lanterns. But now, lanterns will be installed to decorate the mosque. The lanterns have nothing to do with religion either, he said.

"Long ago in China, there was no electricity, so the people used lanterns as they did not want to be in the dark in welcoming the New Year. So, lanterns do not symbolize any religion," Budi explained.

At its very roots, he said, PITI had always tried to create a harmonious religious life with respect of other religions in peace. Unfortunately, such a message of respect, tolerance and peace is not readily accepted by many groups and so must be communicated in a sensitive way over time.

"Next year, we might put on a barongsai dance in the New Year celebration so it is more cheerful. What's important is that we introduce some of these things in stages," Budi said.

Because Imlek is merely a New Year tradition to celebrate the coming of spring, Lie Sioe Fen explained, everybody in China celebrates it, regardless of their religion, ethnic group or political ideology.

Mosques, churches, temples and viharas all make preparations for the celebration. The New Year celebration is a happy time for people. Winter has passed and the spring is coming. The flowers are beginning to bloom and the planting season starts. This is like welcoming a new life after hibernating in the cold winter's snow, he added.

"It is actually quite similar to many Javanese traditions. Some hold a thanksgiving party to express their gratitude for panen gadu (the harvest at the beginning of the rainy season) and others have different events at that time of the year," Lie Sioe Fen, 49, said.

In order to improve religious tolerance, PITI Yogyakarta also holds other programs. It regularly organizes a charity bazaar, and on the third week of each month, it holds a Koran recital. PITI also often holds discussions and interacts with other groups from different religions.

"All Muslims are brothers and sisters, and all religious people should respect each other," she said.

On Oct. 15, PITI organized a national seminar entitled, Imlek in the Perspective of Culture, Chinese Philosophy and Islamic Law. Among the speakers were Irwan Abdullah, executive director of Religious and Crosscultural Studies and H. Lasiyo, a professor of Chinese philosophy at the University of Gadjah Mada.

"In the future, we hope that PITI will become a bridge for Chinese-Indonesians who want to know more about Islam. They have long been marginalized, so that they've found it difficult to get information, especially about the religion, openly," she said.

She said that PITI will invite public and religious figures (for the coming New Year celebration). It will invite 35 mass Muslim mass organizations in Yogyakarta province and 10 Chinese organizations as well as some Protestant and Catholic leaders. It is hoped that the get-together, with such diverse groups, will be a time of openness and tolerance.

In order to ensure it all goes safely and to prevent any unexpected incidents, PITI has also discussed the Imlek issue with moderate Islamic figures and the Yogyakarta Muslim Ulema Council (MUI).

In the end, the council issued a fatwa (edict), saying that there was no problem with the celebration of Imlek at mosques. It demonstrates that the erroneous perceptions are indeed being eroded and Chinese-Indonesian Muslims are leading the way to tolerance.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (5 of 40)

Chinese New Year Euphoria and Political Trauma
By Frans H. Winarta, Member of the Advisory Board IBA Human Rights Institute, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post - Opinion (Saturday, January 24, 2004)

Indonesians, and especially those of Chinese descent, have just celebrated Chinese New Year. Chinese-Indonesians who, for over 30 years during the New Order regime, were forced to celebrate this event behind closed doors, are now free once again to celebrate it publicly.

Whereas during the 300 years of Dutch colonial subjugation this event could be celebrated freely, in an independent Indonesia under the Soeharto regime, ironically, basic cultural, religious and language rights were severely restricted. Citizens of Chinese descent were even required to change their names and could not attend Chinese schools.

It is true that now many of the cultural rights of the ethnic Chinese have been restored. In actuality, however, the government is still far from going all the way in recognizing the human rights of our ethnic Chinese population. Many of their political rights are still limited, and as human rights are universal, to grant some cultural rights and to deny others is simply wrong.

Acknowledging the cultural rights of the Chinese does not give the government an excuse to forget about the recognition of other rights. Human rights are something that cannot be abolished or limited in any way. For 30 years under the New Order regime, the political rights of ethnic Chinese citizens were violated and completely ignored -- a fact that, to the present day, causes unease and trepidation among Chinese communities throughout Indonesia.

Such restrictively encompassing political pressure as suffered by Chinese-Indonesians during the Soeharto regime has caused a section of the Indonesian community to lose their identity. Many ethnic Chinese have tried to deny their identity in various ways due to this political pressure that, at times, associated their "Chineseness" with Communism, betrayal, disloyalty, insularism, with their ancestral country and various other undesirable attributes that added to the political pressure and stigma weighted against them.

The result is that the Chinese community is still afraid to become engaged in or even talk about politics, let alone, become politicians themselves. There are few communities in the world as apolitical as Chinese-Indonesians.

It is difficult to convince them that, in order to struggle for equality in political rights and equality before the law, they must link up with other democratic forces in Indonesia. Ethnic Chinese are passengers in this ship we call Indonesia, and what is experienced by some passengers will also be experienced by others.

What must be fought for is the destiny of Indonesia as a whole -- the struggle for democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights. If these things can be achieved, then discrimination against the ethnic Chinese will surely be eradicated.

The discriminative legal system inherited from the Dutch and propagated by the New Order regime through political segregation must be abolished in its entirety, because it creates different classes of citizens based on ethnicity.

Already from birth, citizens are classified according to race and ethnicity. The state gazette on civil registration must be replaced with a national law on civil registration that is more humane and respects equality before the law. The Constitution must also guarantee democracy, respect for human rights and adherence to the ideal of rule of law.

This is the second year in which Chinese New Year has been celebrated as a national holiday. There is a kind of euphoria about marking Chinese New Year, but the rights of ethnic Chinese -- like other human rights conditions in this country -- are still far from perfect due to violations by power-holders who do not respect law and human rights.

For instance, the anti-Chinese riots of May 1998 are still yet to be investigated properly and those responsible held accountable for their crimes. This increases the possibility that such tragedies can recur. It is ironic that Chinese New Year is being celebrated as a national holiday just five years after the tragedy of May 1998.

The struggle to abolish discrimination is still a long one, because discriminative laws against ethnic Chinese still exist and the DPR and the government show no political will to abolish them. Although the government has annulled the Indonesian Citizenship Certificate required solely by ethnic Chinese (SBKRI), in practice it is still often required in day-to-day administrative processes.

The SBKRI requirement has been perpetuated through a new citizenship law, although the original intent was to provide proof that a foreigner had been naturalized as an Indonesian citizen. Worse still, Karawang and Bekasi still issue national identity cards that specify keturunan, which indicates persons of Chinese descent). This may have occurred through ignorance, stupidity or because the official was racist -- nevertheless, the discriminative mentality is evident.

According to the principles of human rights, all human beings are equal and must not be discriminated against based on race, religion, skin color, socio-economic status, cultural identity, political belief or ethnicity. Indonesia has signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination and therefore must be consistent in implementing this in its legal, political, cultural and economic spheres.

There is euphoria now as we celebrate Chinese New Year; but the actual struggle for equality before the law is only begun and it may be some time before real equality can be achieved. Ethnic Chinese youth need to get involved in politics and join in the reform struggle with other democratic forces.

In this struggle, we must eradicate the fears of the past and look forward to a new day when democracy, human rights and the rule of law are respected. Ethnic Chinese must enter fields like public administration, law, national defense, policing, the judiciary and education in order to develop Indonesia in the right direction in partnership with other ethnic groups of this great and diverse nation.

At the same time, the government and legislature need to open up to Chinese-Indonesians so that they, too, can contribute fully to national development.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (4 of 40)

Indonesia: Chinese-Indonesians Battle Discrimination
By Marianne Kearney in Jakarta
South China Morning Post (Wednesday, January 21, 2004)

Badminton star Hendrawan gained citizenship only because he is a national hero.

It is only 18 months since Hendrawan, an ethnic Chinese, a national hero and one of Indonesia's most talented badminton stars, received his Indonesian citizenship papers, despite being born 32 years ago in Malang, East Java.

Trying to obtain his papers, it took the personal intervention of President Megawati Sukarnoputri before he was finally declared an Indonesian citizen.

Just after getting the citizenship papers, Hendrawan clinched Indonesia's fifth successive win at international badminton's most famous tournament, the Thomas Cup, in May 2002, making badminton history for Indonesia.

But before he played his winning shots in Kuala Lumpur, Hendrawan, like many other ethnic Chinese-Indonesians, was still considered a Chinese national. He could not apply for bank loans, register ownership of his house, register his daughter's birth or enrol her at school, despite being a descendant of a Chinese-Indonesian family that had lived for decades in East Java.

A raft of anti-Chinese laws, prohibiting Confucianism, the use of Chinese dialects or the printing of Chinese characters, as well as the celebration of Lunar New Year, were implemented after the failed communist coup of 1965, as Chinese-Indonesians along with the Chinese government, were suspected of supporting the communists.

But since the downfall of former strongman Suharto in 1998, restrictions on Chinese culture have begun to lift.

Last year, Ms Megawati declared Lunar New Year or Imlek, as a national holiday, making it the first time that Chinese culture had been officially recognised since the 1965 ban.

Since 1999, Chinese Indonesians have openly celebrated Imlek, shopping malls have been decked out in red and gold lanterns every New Year, several Chinese-language newspapers have hit the streets, and Metro television station broadcasts the news several times a day in Putonghua.

But Hendrawan says, in practice, that many of the old laws discriminating against ethnic Chinese are still operating. Along with 100 other ethnic Chinese professionals, he was meeting the president's husband, Taufiq Kiemas, last night, to demand equal rights for Chinese-Indonesians.

"If I wasn't a star then I doubt today I would even have my citizenship papers," says Hendrawan, citing a friend of his, who because he refused to pay "cigarette money'' to government officials had waited 20 years to obtain his citizenship papers.

"We want to ask him [Taufiq] to eliminate discrimination, because since 1998 in Indonesia we have been talking of democracy and human rights, so if this is not just nonsense, then we should end discrimination for the Chinese."

Although the requirement for ethnic Chinese to obtain proof of their Indonesian citizenship was revoked by presidential decree in 1998, almost every Indonesian government department still demands that ethnic Chinese come armed with their papers before they issue other documents.

As Chinese-Indonesians point out, such requirements are just perpetuating the former colonial system.

"The legal system here is still like the Dutch times, particularly when it comes to registering people's births. We're being segregated on the base of what race you are. The Chinese are still considered as foreign orientals," says Frans Winarta, a well-known lawyer and member of Gandi, an ethnic Chinese group lobbying against discrimination.

Under the draconian Dutch colonial system, Chinese, Japanese and Indians were all classed as "foreign orientals" a class distinction which put them below Europeans but above native Indonesian people.

Taking up the cause of Chinese-Indonesians, a tiny minority of 10 million out of a population of 210 million, is not popular with many political parties because they fear being labelled as pro-communist or as anti-Muslim, Mr Frans says.

A draft citizenship law still requires Chinese-Indonesians to obtain the citizenship papers, but does not make the same requirement for ethnic Indians or Arab-Indonesians, he added.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (3 of 40)

'We Face Discrimination from Govt Officials'
The Jakarta Post (Wednesday, January 21, 2004)

Chinese-Indonesians will celebrate Imlek or the Chinese New Year from late Wednesday to early Thursday. Public celebrations were permitted with the issuance of a presidential decree by former president Abdurrahman Wahid in 2000 that revoked Presidential Instruction No. 14/1967 on Chinese religion, tradition and beliefs. Last year, the government declared Imlek a national holiday. The Jakarta Post talked to some people about the issue.

Widyawati Djuana, 27, is an employee at a financial firm in the Artha Graha building in South Jakarta. She lives with her husband and baby daughter in Setiabudi, South Jakarta:

"Imlek festivities are merrier compared to five years ago. Many people take part in the celebration, regardless of their ethnicity or religion. I have seen some non-Chinese people buying Chinese New Year paraphernalia at malls and shopping centers.

Unfortunately, there is still discriminatory treatment from government officers, especially when we apply for documents. In many cases, those officers still require us to show the SBKRI (citizenship certificate for nonindigenous people) before they will accept our application."

Rosdiana, 23, is a Chinese-Indonesian housewife who lives with her husband in Ciputat, Tangerang:

"The Imlek festival is very different because the Chinese Lunar Year was officially declared a national holiday last year.

Once, we had to take leave for the celebration but now we all enjoy the holiday. The celebration is also held openly in public and aired on television. It's good.

Public acceptance is also evident. Seeing people talking in Chinese in public places is a common sight now, even on board public buses.

I remember five years ago my father always warned me not to speak in Chinese while I was in public places.

However, I must admit that discrimination remains in our government. Nothing has changed particularly when we try to obtain documents."

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (2 of 40)

Gong Xi Fa Chai
The Jakarta Post - Editorial (Wednesday, January 21, 2004)

Many Indonesians in the last few weeks, regardless of their religion or ethnicity, have shown strong interest in Imlek, the Chinese New Year of the monkey which will fall on Thursday. They want to know about the specific characteristics of the year and which characteristics of the monkey will be dominant.

According to Chinese tradition, the curiosity of the monkey will carry over into many areas of life. This is a good year for those who were born in 1920, 1932, 1944, 1956, 1968, 1980 and 1992. They are described as gifted, curious, quick-witted, manipulative and malicious.

There will be much festivity, or what one could call "a lot of monkeying around". It is mere coincidence that this year is elections year for Indonesia. It is hoped that there will be no monkey business among politicians.

Although the number of Indonesians who celebrate Imlek is relatively small due to the demographic composition of the country, the event pervades the atmosphere of the nation. This was the case even when the celebration of Imlek was forbidden during Soeharto's 32-year tenure. Business and economic activities are generally shut down on that day, which reflects the role of Chinese Indonesians in the economic sector.

Like last year's celebrations of Idul Fitri and Christmas, Imlek festivities are apparent throughout the country. Meanwhile, the observation of Nyepi, the Hindu Day of Silence is keenly felt across the predominantly Hindu Bali. Likewise, Buddhists observe Buddha's Day of Enlightenment.

In 2002, President Megawati Soekarnoputri declared the Chinese New Year an official national holiday. This was 35 years after then-president Soeharto banned the celebration of Imlek in 1967. It was Megawati's father, the country's first president Sukarno, who first declared Imlek a national public holiday and Konghuchu a national religion, only one year after Indonesia's independence in 1945.

However no one can deny that it was Abdurrahman Wahid, affectionately called "Gus Dur", who was a major architect in the restoration of the rights of Chinese Indonesians. Long before his election as the country's fourth president in October 1999, in his capacity as the leader of the country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), he consistently fought for the abolishment of all discriminatory policies against ethnic Chinese.

During Soeharto's era, Chinese Indonesians commemorated Imlek quietly. Many said that Imlek did not mean anything to them, for fear of accusations that they were maintaining their Chinese culture. Soeharto also froze relations with China following allegations that the country was behind the abortive Indonesian Communist Party's coup attempt in 1965. Relations with China were restored in 1990.

There were about 60 discriminatory restrictions imposed upon this ethnic group, including the obligation to use Indonesian names and to obtain the SBKRI, the Republic of Indonesia's citizenship certificate. Their domination in economics often provoked anti-Chinese sentiment.

The worst anti-Chinese riot in Indonesian post-independence history occurred just days before Soeharto's fall in May 1998. Hundreds of Chinese women were reportedly raped, and thousands of Chinese Indonesians forced to flee from Indonesia. The government did little to bring those responsible for the massacre to justice. However we must also remember that thousands of Indonesians from various ethnic groups were burned alive while allegedly looting goods from shopping centers. They are all victims who deserve equal justice, regardless of their backgrounds.

Despite commitments from the government, most of the discriminative regulations against Chinese people remain intact. There are various reasons cited for this discrimination, from economic profit to racist factors, although in public, government officials will deny racist tendencies.

This Chinese New Year is a time for reflection and to determine how to face the future. It is agreed that the government should abolish discrimination against citizens of any background. Indonesian people of Chinese origin have the same rights and obligations of people from other ethnic and religious groups. They are all Indonesians. It is the obligation of the state to provide them with equal treatment.

We must also be reminded that it is the responsibility of all citizens to fight discrimination of any form. A pluralistic society is a tangible asset for the state and not a burden.

In the end we want to say: Gong Xi Fa Cai to all. May this year of the monkey bring prosperity, justice and security to the nation and its citizens.

Black May 1998: 6th Commemoration (1 of 40)

Another compilation of articles, papers, and thoughts about ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. This year also marked Chinese Indonesians representatives in legislative election, memorial monument for May 1998 tragedy and hotline for concerns and complaints on SBKRI.

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Chinese-Indonesians Long for End to Discrimination
By Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta
The Jakarta Post (Wednesday, January 21, 2004)

Chinese-Indonesians may experience a more festive lunar new year in 2004, but eliminating long-standing bias against the ethnic group is much more important, activists say.

"All of the celebrations clearly show the euphoria that has resulted from the government's recognition of Chinese-Indonesians' cultural rights. But, the recognition of cultural rights must not be separated from civil rights," human rights activist Frans Hendra Winarta told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

He said the government must continue to "liberate" Indonesians of Chinese descent from discrimination that finds its roots in the Dutch colonial era.

During Dutch colonial rule that lasted for more than three centuries, the role of Chinese-Indonesians was limited to trade.

"Chinese-Indonesians need to get back their political and civil rights," said Frans, a noted Chinese-Indonesian lawyer.

Ernawati Soegondo, secretary of the Advisory Council of the Society of Chinese-Indonesians, meanwhile, said that Chinese-Indonesians were still being discriminated against.

She particularly pointed to the fact that the government still requires Chinese-Indonesians to produce the Republic of Indonesia Citizenship Certificate (SBKRI) if they want to obtain documents such as ID cards, passports and birth certificates.

Unlike Indonesians of other ethnic groups such as Indians and Arabs, Chinese-Indonesians are required by law to apply for the SKBRI to be officially recognized as Indonesian citizens.

"Chinese-Indonesian students are still required to submit the SBKRI when enrolling at certain universities, particularly state universities," Ernawati said.

She also noted that it was near impossible for Chinese-Indonesians to join the Indonesian Military (TNI) or the National Police.

The government has actually revoked some of the discriminatory regulations since 1996, including the SBKRI. But, around 60 discriminatory laws and decrees of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) are still in place.

No less than three presidents -- B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati Soekarnoputri-- have issued decrees ordering civil servants to treat all citizens equally regardless of their ethnic group.

However, most government offices do not implement the decrees due to the lack of ancillary regulations on the implementation of those decrees.

"There is no political will on the part of some government officials, therefore, they are reluctant to follow up the government's decisions and continue to discriminate against Chinese-Indonesians," Frans said.

He called on the government and other elements of the society to support efforts to end all forms of discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians.

"We thank the government for recognizing the lunar new year, but the most important thing is to end all discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians," Frans said.

Ernawati concurred, saying that Chinese-Indonesians have been longing for years to be treated like other Indonesian citizens.

Indonesians of Chinese descent account for approximately 3 percent, or around six million, of the country's 215 million people. However, they control over 60 percent of the country's economy.

Following the abortive coup in 1965, which the government blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the government introduced rules and regulations aimed at curbing the movement of Chinese-Indonesians in the country. The PKI was affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party.